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1.
新城疫病毒F48E9株M NP F和HN基因的真核表达   总被引:7,自引:4,他引:3  
将新城疫病毒(NDV)F48E9株的M、NP、F和HN基因克隆到真核细胞表达载体 pCAGG上,经酶切、PCR鉴定和序列分析,分别筛选出了含有M、NP、F和HN基因的重组质粒, 命名为pCAGG-M、pCAGG-NP、pCAGG-F和pCAGG-HN。纯化后的重组质粒通过脂质体单独转染HeLa细胞,经间接免疫荧光试验检测到了M、NP、F和HN蛋白的表达。pCAGG-M、 pCAGG-NP、pCAGG-F和pCAGG-HN重组质粒组合共转染HeLa细胞48 h后,可以观察到明显的细胞融合现象。试验结果表明,NDV F48E9株的M、NP、F和HN蛋白均在HeLa细胞内得到了成功表达,同时证明在该表达系统中F蛋白不足以诱导细胞融合。  相似文献   
2.
Der Entwurf eines neuen ?sterreichischen Schadenersatzrechts sieht Regelungen der Gef?hrdungshaftung sowie der Unternehmerhaftung vor. Der Beitrag untersucht die jeweilige Ausgangslage, das Reformanliegen und die Konsequenzen einer Reform.  相似文献   
3.
以陕西8株鸡传染性支气管炎病毒(AIBV)分离株M蛋白的基因序列为基础,应用DNAStar软件中的MegAlign模块对其进行了同源性分析;用Kyte-Doolittle方法、Jameson-Wolf方法、Karplus-Schulz方法、Plot-Emini方法和Garnier-Robson方法综合预测了其中4株代表毒株的M蛋白B细胞抗原表位和二级结构。结果,8株AIBV的M蛋白主要在10~40 aa和90~175 aa处存在无规律的点突变,与参考毒株H52、M41、SAIB20、LX和Gray的M蛋白的核苷酸序列和预测的氨基酸序列的同源性分别介于87.4%~99.5%和96.3%~99.5%;分离株间的核苷酸序列和预测的氨基酸序列同源性分别介于91.8%~99.8%和95.4%~100%。4株代表株的M蛋白B细胞优势抗原表位都在159~164 aa和181~193 aa肽段区(这2个区域都包含了无规则卷曲和β-转角结构)或其附近。结果表明,AIBV分离株的M蛋白基因相对保守,只存在无规律的点突变,该变异对AIBV M蛋白B细胞表位的稳定性无影响。  相似文献   
4.
在 5 0只Wistar雌性未孕大鼠子宫角浆膜面上沿子宫纵轴埋植 1对Ag -AgCl双极电极 ,腹腔注射阿托品或异搏定或消炎痛后 ,观察注射怀牛膝 0 .6mL对未孕大鼠子宫平滑肌峰电活动的影响 ,探讨其兴奋的途径。结果表明 ,阿托品阻断胆碱能M受体后 ,腹腔注射怀牛膝水煎剂 ,子宫平滑肌峰电活动表现出明显的兴奋效应 ;异搏定阻断L型Ca2 通道 (L VDCC)后 ,腹腔注射怀牛膝水煎剂 ,暴发波的最大振幅等 4项指标均无明显变化 (P >0 .0 5 ) ,而单波的正波最大振幅和峰面积则有明显增加 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,单波的负波最大振幅则无显著变化 (P >0 .0 5 ) ;腹腔注射前列腺素合成酶抑制剂消炎痛后 ,注射怀牛膝水煎剂 ,暴发波的最大振幅等 4项指标变化不明显 (P >0 .0 5 ) ,单波的正波最大振幅等 3项指标均有明显升高 (P <0 .0 5 )。结果提示 ,怀牛膝对未孕大鼠子宫平滑肌峰电活动的兴奋作用是通过胆碱能M受体以外的其他途径实现的 ,部分可能与子宫平滑肌细胞膜上的异搏定敏感的L型Ca2 通道有关 ,部分可能与刺激前列腺素合成与释放有关  相似文献   
5.
Since 15 May 2011 Spain has progressively entered a political and regime crisis in which the main institutional pillars of the political system constructed in 1977-1978 during the transition from the Franco dictatorship to parliamentary democracy suffered from serious wear. This can be analysed following Gramsci's notion of hegemony crisis whose main features fit well with the current situation in Spain. The regime crisis has passed through different stages – the last being the emergence and rise in the polls of Podemos, which emerged in a context marked by the deepening of the crisis and the difficulty of securing significant social victories. To understand the meaning of this current regime crises it is useful to read history, following Walter Benjamin as an open process full of bifurcations with no linear trajectory. Spanish regime crisis opens for the first time since the seventies the possibility of a social and political change whose final sense is still uncertain.  相似文献   
6.
ABSTRACT

This review article examines two palimpsest rewritings of J. M.Coetzee’s canonical but controversial novel, Disgrace (1999). Both rewritings are by women: Lacuna, a novel published in 2019, is by a white South African woman, Fiona Snyckers, and “Letter to John Coetzee” takes the form of a short story by Michelle Cahill, a woman of color living in Australia, published in Cahill’s collection Letter to Pessoa (2016). The article uses Cahill’s coinage of “interceptionality” to discuss how dominant narratives may be disrupted and subverted, particularly when it comes to representing gender-based violence in the arts. It concludes with a discussion of South African artist Gabrielle Goliath’s exhibition, “This song is for … ” (2019).  相似文献   
7.
我国现行法学高等教育模式并不明确,使得法学本科教育与研究生教育存在着目标设定、发展模式的宏观混同以及教学方式、内容微观重叠等诸多积弊。厘清二者的关系既是提升我国法学高等教育质量之必须,又是我国法律职业共同体形成之前提。建议首先明确我国法学高等教育的发展模式,合理引入司法实务训练,并以完善我国既有司法考试制度为基轴,进一步厘定法学本科与研究生教育的关系。  相似文献   
8.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(5):432-453
ABSTRACT

In public the 37th President of the United States did not express hostility or disparagement, or show any signs of religious prejudice towards Jews. But inside the White House, Richard M. Nixon's remarks were often scurrilous. His antisemitism was not casual; it was close to compulsive. And it could be coupled with other seething grievances, for example, towards liberals, radicals, the media, Blacks and Italian-Americans. Yet Nixon controlled his antisemitism. It had no adverse effect on Jewish life, either at home or abroad. The malice that he nurtured remained unmobilized. Apart from a few limited personnel instances (mostly but not completely ignored by Nixon's underlings), it is impossible to connect private resentment to public policy, probably because the barriers to the expression of antisemitism in the United States have been so high. The ugliness of his utterances in the Oval Office revealed his character, but did not extend outward to shape the processes of governance. A disconnect can therefore be discerned between what he felt and how he acted. Most American Jews voted for Nixon's Democratic opponents in 1968 and 1972. But even Jews who voted against him, even those who loathed him, have often acknowledged that Nixon's policies fortified the security of Israel; and he was proud of his support for the Jewish state during the Yom Kippur War. What betrayed Nixon, and what forced him to resign the presidency, was his decision to instal a secret taping system in the Oval Office. When the tapes were played in 1974, he showed himself to be conspiring to obstruct justice. In subsequent years, further exposure of the tapes revealed the extent and intensity of Nixon's antipathy to Jews. The expletives that had to be deleted did much to besmirch the dignity of the office. But such was the stigma the political culture attached to antisemitism that, had his bigotry become public before 1968, Nixon's career would have been over.  相似文献   
9.
崔文玉 《法律科学》2014,(6):173-180
低税率和少管制是吸引国际投资者的重要因素。经过两次金融危机,韩国政府对企业重组税制进行了重大修改,降低了税率,减少了管制,从而提升了韩国企业的国际竞争力。我国企业重组税制存在缺陷,为应对金融危机、提高企业竞争力、引进外资等,我国应放宽跨国性企业重组、完善企业重组中的反避税政策、整合相关法律规定,简化和优化税制等。  相似文献   
10.
我国现有的外资并购中的国家安全审查程序主要是站在资本输入大国的立场设计的,没有考虑到我国既是"引进来战略"下的资本输入大国,又是"走出去战略"下的资本输出大国的混同身份。已有的审查程序在启动审查、申报前磋商、重新启动审查等方面不完善,减缓协议、申报撤回、监督机制、权利救济机制等制度缺失。借鉴国外成熟的经验,考虑身份混同对审查程序的新要求,我国应完善关于启动审查、申报前磋商、重新启动审查的规定,增加减缓协议制度、申报撤回制度、监督机制、权利救济机制。  相似文献   
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