中欧全面战略伙伴关系:从构想到实现

经过30 年的共同努力,中欧正致力于“全面战略伙伴关系”的建设,双边关系现正处于历史上最富有成果的时期,合作的深度与广度都有新的拓展。作为欧亚大陆两股上升的力量,中欧是维护世界和平与稳定、促进共同发展的重要力量。中欧关系正是建立在共有利益的基础上,它有助于建构一个更为平衡、多元的国际新秩序。     

合伙第三民事主体论——兼论我国合伙立法体系的完善

随着我国市场经济建设的不断推进,企业及其它营利性组织的发展壮大已成为我国经济发展的关键所在.然而,人们没有给予合伙这一古老的经济组织形式以足够的重视,最突出表现在合伙的民事主体地位这一问题上.这是与合伙组织在经济发展中的地位和作用不相适应的.确立合伙第三民事主体地位成为当务之急.     

Strategic voting,information, and ethnicity in emerging democracies: Evidence from Kenya

This paper explores the conditions under which voters in emerging democracies support non-viable candidates. We argue that cognitive biases and the geographic clustering of minor-party supporters in ethno-political enclaves lead to misperceptions about the electoral prospects of minor-party candidates, weakening strategic defections both among co-ethnic and non-co-ethnic supporters. We explore these arguments using original survey data from Kenya's 2007 presidential election, a contest that featured a minor-party candidate, Kalonzo Musyoka, who stood little chance of electoral victory. Despite this, results show that most of his supporters chose to vote for the candidate, failing to perceive that he was not a viable contender. The findings suggest that theories of political behavior in multi-ethnic settings can be enriched by drawing upon insights from the political psychology literature on belief formation.     

Oceanic Opportunities

正President Xi deepens both political and economic ties with Australia,New Zealand and Fiji Chinese President Xi Jinping paid state visits to three South Pacific countries—Australia,New Zealand and Fiji—from November 16 to 23.During his trip,China and Australia not only concluded bilateral free trade agreement(FTA)talks but also decided to     

世界大变局与中美日三国战略选择

在世界大变局中,战后国际格局重大变化的主要标志是“世界老二”易位。苏联、日本皆不例外;21世纪以来欧盟也由盛转衰。未来国际格局可能有三种前景:1.中美两极对抗体制;2.中美竞争合作的“两极多元体制”;3.世界各大力量多元并存,构建多元一体的人类命运共同体。这要看世界潮流是走向和平多边主义还是暴力多边主义。中国实现伟大复兴后的战略选择是“济弱扶倾”,为世界可持续发展与可持续安全做贡献。日本面临的战略选择是:继续在《日本国宪法》下走和平发展道路,还是修改宪法,成为“能战国家”的一员,加入暴力强权的多边主义?坚持开放的地区主义与国际协调,还是搞排他经济集团,远交近攻,以中国为竞争对手?利用中美对立从中渔利,还是促进中美协调而避免在中美之间“选边站”?妥善处理中日两国围绕钓鱼岛归属认知争议和台湾问题,还是重走历史老路?囿于冷战思维和传统权力政治的现实主义决策逻辑,同中国搞战略对抗,还是树立共同、综合、合作、可持续安全的新安全观,与中国加强合作?这些战略选择将关乎未来30年的中日关系。     

盐业合伙契约的历史意义和现代价值——兼论新《合伙企业法》的不足与完善

合伙兼具设立简便、出资灵活、管理便利等诸多优点,是一种古老而又有生命力的人类生产活动的组织方式,各种合伙制度又因历史传统、经济基础等不同而在形式和内容方面呈现出差异性.盐业合伙契约作为我国近现代一种独具民族传统特色的资本组织形式,具有十分丰富的内容和非常鲜明的特点,分析盐业合伙契约并阐释其历史意义和现代价值,对于探讨我国新《合伙企业法》存在的不足,提出完善的思考和建议有着一定的启发作用.     

再论合伙理论--比较法视野下的价值重构

合伙作为现代企业制度的一个重要组成部分,在经济生活中发挥了积极作用,但在有关合伙的诸多法律关系的认识上至今还存在着很多争议.本文即从合伙的概念、法律地位、主体资格、合伙类型、债务承担等方面展开阐述,并结合大陆法系和英美法系国家的相关理论及立法实践进行比较,较为系统地介绍了合伙法律制度.同时对我国的合伙立法进行比较研究,提出了改进和完善的建议.     

解析卢武铉主义

卢武铉主义是卢武铉就任总统后,对韩国外交安保政策进行的大胆革新,它包括自主国防、自主外交、反对驻韩美军"战略灵活性"调整和"东北亚均衡者论"等政策理念。卢武铉主义是在个人与民族、历史与现实、国内与国际等因素综合作用下产生的,它一出台就引起了国内外的争议。面对质疑和批评,卢武铉不得不对其新外交安保政策做出调整,以致卢武铉主义的原则理念大打折扣,而其后续影响还有待观察。     

An Empirical Investigation of the Factors Affecting the Use of Social Networks in Human Resources Recruitment

ABSTRACT

The main objective of this study is to investigate the factors affecting the use of social networks towards recruiting human resources for organizations. Through an in-depth review of the relevant literature, a questionnaire was designed and distributed among the sample and collected data were analyzed using PLS-Software. Results revealed that 50?75% of organizations use social networks in their organizations and all the identified effective factors in the use of social networks for human resources recruitment were confirmed, except for “hope for performance”. “Facilitating conditions” have the highest impact on the usage of social networks in recruiting, “Social influence” identified as one of the most important factors in people’s behavioral intention for the usage of social networks in recruitment and “Effort expectancy” had the least impact on behavioral intention. In addition, Gender and the level of education have no impact on the behavioral intention and the behavior of usage of social networking.     

How do coalition signals shape voting behavior? Revealing the mediating role of coalition expectations

Existing empirical research suggests that there are two mechanisms through which pre-electoral coalition signals shape voting behavior. According to these, coalition signals both shift the perceived ideological positions of parties and prime coalition considerations at the cost of party considerations. The work at hand is the first to test another possibility of how coalition signals affect voting. This coalition expectation mechanism claims that coalition signals affect voting decisions by changing voters' expectations about which coalitions are likely to form after the election. Moreover, this paper provides the first integrative overview of all three mechanisms that link coalition signals and individual voting behavior. Results from a survey experiment conducted during Sweden's 2018 general election suggest that the coalition expectation mechanism can indeed be at work. By showing how parties' pre-electoral coalition behavior enter a voter's decision calculus, the paper provides important insights for the literature on strategic voting theories in proportional systems.