让教育回归生命的本真

教育应使人成为真正意义上的人,使人得以生长,使人的生命价值得以提升。但长期以来我国的教育立足于常态社会,非常态社会(重大自然灾害背景下)带来的冲击启发我们对过去和现行的教育进行叩问和反思。灾害背景下的教育应对需转变陈旧、错误的教育观念,回归到关怀人的生命,以人的生命基础发展为本的教育基点上来。     

日本海洋国家战略与北极地缘政治格局演变研究

日本的海洋战略经历了扩张——收缩——再扩张的发展阶段。出于对北极地区的资源、环境、战略价值、经济价值的多方面考量,日本政府近年在海洋国家战略框架下积极参与北极事务,谋求北极权益。日本对北极事务介入力度的加强,也将引起北极地缘政治格局的较大变化。文章首先分析了日本国家海洋战略的发展历程以及未来趋势,指出日本的海洋战略主要受其国家身份认知(发展成为海洋国家或是大陆国家)、东亚大陆地缘政治格局及海洋霸主国——美国的影响,并得出未来日本的海洋战略将呈现出对外扩张的趋势,进而探究了日本国家海洋战略受北极地缘政治格局的影响以及日本海洋战略的未来发展趋势,得出日本未来将制约中国的北极参与战略、缓和对俄关系、并增强其军事力量,最后从俄罗斯、日本、中国、美国4个国家为出发点分析北极地缘政治格局的演变。     

The rise and fall of “Novorossiya”: examining support for a separatist geopolitical imaginary in southeast Ukraine

In the spring of 2014, some anti-Maidan protestors in southeast Ukraine, in alliance with activists from Russia, agitated for the creation of a large separatist entity on Ukrainian territory. These efforts sought to revive a historic region called Novorossiya (“New Russia”) on the northern shores of the Black Sea that was created by Russian imperial colonizers. In public remarks, Vladimir Putin cited Novorossiya as a historic and contemporary home of a two-part interest group, ethnic Russian and Russian-speaking Ukrainians, supposedly under threat in Ukraine. Anti-Maidan agitation in Ukraine gave way to outright secession in April 2014, as armed rebel groups established the Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhans’k People’s Republic on parts of the eponymous Ukrainian oblasts. Rebel leaders aspired to create a renewed Novorossiya that incorporated all of eastern and southern Ukraine from Kharkiv to Odesa oblasts. To examine the level of support for this secessionist imaginary in the targeted oblasts, our large scientific poll in December 2014 revealed the Novorossiya project had minority support, between 20 and 25% of the population. About half of the sample believed that the concept of Novorossiya was a “historical myth” and that its resuscitation and promotion was the result of “Russian political technologies.” Analysis of the responses by socio-demographic categories indicated that for ethnic Russians, residents of the oblasts of Kharkiv and Odesa, for older and poorer residents, and especially for those who retain a nostalgic positive opinion about the Soviet Union, the motivations and aims of the Novorossiya project had significant support.     

The roadmap to net-zero emission: Do geopolitical risk and energy transition matter?

Global crises have heightened policy uncertainties and efforts to address global climate change. Limited evidence exists in the literature on geopolitical risk's direct and indirect roles in addressing global emissions. In this study, we examine whether geopolitical risk could impede or facilitate efforts to attain a net-zero emissions target through energy transition using panel data for 42 countries from 1990 to 2020. Various econometric techniques were applied in this study to present robust findings and reliable conclusions. Estimates from the Driscoll-Kraay, Lewbel two-stage least squares and method of moment regression techniques consistently showed that countries' geopolitical risk directly increases emissions (total greenhouse gas, carbon, methane, and nitrous oxide). At the same time, energy transition, measured with renewable energy consumption, mitigates these emissions. In addition, evidence from the partial linear functional-coefficient model technique indicates that renewable energy consumption consistently mitigates emissions when geopolitical is minimal (at a minimum and mean level). However, the role of renewable energy consumption in reducing emissions becomes weaker when geopolitical risk is heightened—thus, when geopolitical risk reaches its maximum level. We recommend that efforts to sustain renewable energy transition and maintain geopolitical stability are vital for achieving net-zero emissions and climate change mitigation.     

Decentring state categories: diaspora within a Palestinian geopolitical assemblage in Nicosia,Cyprus

With over 50% of Palestinians in diaspora, global constructions of what is Palestinian are central to Palestinian geopolitics. This article examines how the meanings and implications of the label “Palestinian” in diaspora are produced as Palestinians negotiate the politics of migration and citizenship while living in Cyprus. Using the concept of a geopolitical assemblage incorporates the role of state immigration control into a critical discussion of diaspora. Cyprus provides a complex context in which the momentary constructions of a Palestinian diaspora in relation to other geopolitical entities affects Palestinians despite their immigration or citizenship status in Cyprus.     

The Arab Spring and the European Response

Europeans enthusiastically embraced the Arab Spring. However, the EU and its member states have lacked significant influence in a neighbouring region in turmoil. The EU has not devised new and more appropriate approaches towards the region, but rather relied on its traditional tools and frameworks. The Eurozone’s financial crisis and threat perceptions have quickly underminded the readiness of EU member states to contribute meaningfully to Arab transformations with money, market access and mobility. In addition, European support has not been equally welcomed across the region, and delays in terms of building empowered governments have prevented a quick impact. Moreover, the violent power struggles triggered by the Arab Spring have revealed the EU’s weakness with regard to effective conflict prevention and timely crisis management – and thus created an environment averse to democratic transformation and regional stabilisation.     

资本主义与新兴世界秩序

西方长达两个世纪之久的霸权正在走向终结，曾经推动西方崛起的现代化革命，如今已惠及所有国家。因此，19世纪发展起来并为中心——边缘世界秩序（core-periphery international order）奠定了基础的国家间实力差距（power gap）正在缩小。这一变化带来的结果是世界由有中心的全球体系（centred globalism）向去中心的全球体系（decentred globalism）转变。与此同时，当权力变得越来越分散的同时，主要国家之间意识形态上的分歧程度也正在缩小。事实上，当代世界中所有大国在某种形式上走的都是资本主义道路，在兴起中的世界新秩序中，意识形态上的差异比它在过去一个世纪里所呈现的要小得多。问题是：意识形态上的相对同质性是否将在四种主要的资本主义国家治理类型（自由民主主义体制、社会民主主义体制、竞争性威权主义体制和国家官僚主义体制）中引起地缘经济或者地缘政治上的竞争？民主主义与威权主义类型的资本主义之间政治上的分歧是否会超越它们之间的共同利益？还是它们之间存在的共同利益消弭了彼此的分歧？当代世界会出现像20世纪初那种不同类型而互为冲突的资本主义模式吗？或者会产生某种形式的“协和资本主义”？在未来一段时间里，我们很有可能仍然会处在一个政治上分化的多种类型的资本主义世界。由此，对于决策者来说所面临的重要任务就是要确保地缘经济竞争将不会导致地缘政治冲突的发生。     

东北地区价值损伤型上市公司的宏观环境分析

东北地区上市公司参差不齐的发展状况现已成为东北老工业基地整体经济协调发展的巨大障碍。通过采用2010年国资委推出的EVA绩效评价方法,对东北地区上市公司2007~2009年间的业绩进行重新排序,可以发现这些上市公司价值损伤情况越发严重。环境分析结果表明,产业结构不合理、民营经济先天不足以及区域经济发展失衡是导致企业价值损伤的宏观因素。     

紧急状态应对机制中的民生至上理念——从日本“3·11”地震紧急状态说起

2011年3月11日本近海发生9.0级地震,海啸、核泄漏不期而至,引发日本国宣布进入紧急状态。其无序与法律救济上的无助,再次引发了人们对突发性危机或紧急状态下的民生保障问题的反思。本文以关乎人的最基本权利之民生保障为中心,论述在突发事件或紧急状态下国家法律对民生保护的应对之策。一个国家或民族或地区在面临突发的紧急的危险状态下,该怎样正当行使国家公权,有理有利有限地克减民生,遮蔽基本人权事项,这是很值得研究和必须回答的问题。当面临紧急状况时,作为执政者不应是一个简单的实用主义者,更不能开启行政乃至司法任意性和主观性的窗口。否则,是对现代民主国家法治与民生保障的二重嘲讽。     

全球海洋治理与构建海洋命运共同体

当前世界海洋战略形势正发生深刻变革,海洋地缘战略竞争不断加剧,海洋"公地悲剧"日益严峻,在此形势下,中国提出构建海洋命运共同体的倡议。构建海洋命运共同体的内涵十分丰富,主要包括构建海洋安全共同体、海洋发展共同体和海洋责任共同体三方面要旨。构建海洋命运共同体,既是世界海洋文明发展的时代要求,也为解决当前全球海洋治理难题提供了中国方案。然而,构建海洋命运共同体在现实中面临国际认知赤字、海洋二元秩序障碍、海洋地缘战略争夺阻力等严峻挑战。为此,中国应着力完善构建海洋命运共同体的知识话语体系,推动海洋命运共同体的多边主义制度化建设,打造多元参与的协同治理格局。