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1.
韩国零售业态发展及政府规制   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
一国零售业态的发展与其经济发展阶段具有明显的相关性。韩国经济经历了高速增长和市场开放及资本自由化阶段后,便利店、廉价店等新业态大量进入,给韩国以大型百货店和商品交易市场为主导业态的传统零售业态带来了冲击。新型业态基本是模仿国外业态形式或随外资进入的,大型廉价店等新业态在本土化适应过程中不断调整,形成韩国特色。将韩国零售业态置于经济发展过程来考察,会发现与日本战后经济发展的阶段性以及现代零售业态的发展轨迹和政府政策规制的方向具有极大的相似性。我国也呈现出与韩国、日本的相似性。观察韩国零售业态演进过程及其特征,给中国零售业态发展研究提供了一个参照,对总结后发展国家零售业态发展规律具有重要意义。  相似文献   
2.
The implementation of a dispersal policy in Britain has broughtasylum seekers to regions of the country which previously hadlittle experience of providing services for this group. Around10,000 asylum seekers have been resettled in the city of Glasgowsince 2000 as a result of the policy. Multi-agency networkshave been established in Glasgow as a medium for facilitatingco-operation across the voluntary and statutory sectors forthe provision of locally-based support services, while alsofacilitating community development. This paper explores theexperiences of these networks since their inception. While highlightingthe continuing importance of the voluntary sector in supportingasylum seekers and refugees, it raises concerns over the reactiveway in which services have been provided, where responsibilityhas fallen on voluntary and community organizations to fillgaps in statutory service provision. It further examines theimplications for social cohesion of housing-led resettlement,which has largely been in areas suffering from social deprivation.The findings highlight the frustrations of service providersworking within a disjointed policy framework, characterizedby contradictions between Scottish and UK policy goals.  相似文献   
3.
To date, the field of non‐market strategy has little to offer in the way of an integrated perspective on the simultaneous management of strategic issues and corporate stakeholders. This paper employs social network analysis to make a number of theoretically grounded conjectures about the delicate relationships between stakeholder behaviour and issue evolution. It is found that social network analysis has the potential to enrich and integrate theoretical perspectives in the field of non‐market strategy, offering solutions to a set of previously unresolved puzzles. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications  相似文献   
4.
吕芳 《妇女研究论丛》2012,(5):36-42,47
社会支持网是正式的社会保障体系的一种补充。在工业化、城市化的浪潮中,大量青壮年农民进城务工,传统的"男耕女织"演变为"男工女耕",农村留守妇女成为新农村建设的主力军,不得不重构自己的社会支持网。然而,目前国内很少有关于农村留守妇女的个体社会支持网构成的实证研究。本文通过对16个省份2414名留守妇女的抽样问卷调查资料系统考察留守妇女的社会支持网的构成。调查发现:丈夫仍然是"缺席"的户主,构成留守妇女情感支持网、财务支持网的重心;"娘家人"在留守妇女社会支持网中的重要性超过了"公婆",尤其在情感支持和财务支持方面;邻居、朋友都是留守妇女日常交往的主要对象,邻居还对留守妇女的生产活动提供帮扶,而朋友则是留守妇女情感倾诉的主要对象之一。亲属倾向于情感支持、财务支持,而非亲属倾向于交往支持。  相似文献   
5.
《Global Crime》2013,14(3-4):615-628
Criminal-states and Criminal-soldiers are two interrelated threats that challenge order and stability at local, national, and potentially global levels. Policing and law enforcement are essential to securing the conditions necessary for stable governance and preserving the rule of law. Law enforcement and police services play key roles in ensuring community stability. They also control and contain criminal threats, protect individual liberties, and enable other political and diplomatic processes to function. This afterward examines the role of police and enforcement agencies in countering the threats posed by criminal-soldiers in order to prevent the establishment or spread of criminal-states.  相似文献   
6.
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7.
Members of Congress frequently collaborate on policy initiatives, reaching out to colleagues in both parties to find common ground on solutions for the problems faced by their constituents. Using a novel dataset of over 30,000 “Dear Colleague” letters sent by members of the 111th Congress, I use the collaborative relationships that exist in the earliest stages of the policy process to measure the social influence of legislators. I demonstrate that districts represented by members of Congress who are better connected to their colleagues receive a greater share of federal grant money. I argue that this is because collaborative legislators are well‐positioned to be influential allies to strategic bureaucrats who want to maintain a broad base of support for their programs in Congress. Thus, devoting resources to building relationships with their colleagues is one way members of Congress can more effectively support the communities they represent.  相似文献   
8.
Abstract

This article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation.  相似文献   
9.
Recent studies on European Union (EU) Enlargement have emphasised the importance of usages of ‘Europe’ by domestic actors as a necessary condition for the EU to have an impact on domestic politics. We study the usages of Europe in the critical case of Turkey’s nuclear energy policy. We analyse the narratives and actions of domestic actors in Turkey to identify if they use ‘Europe’ (the EU and the idea of Europe). We reach the counter-intuitive finding of usages by both state and non-state actors, which illustrates that usages of Europe can persist despite enlargement stasis in candidate states.  相似文献   
10.
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas.  相似文献   
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