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1.
崔鸿雁 《中共山西省委党校学报》2006,29(4):94-96
19世纪末20世纪初,辉煌一时的山西票号在向现代银行过渡中曾出现过两次机遇,但都没能把握住。文章从新制度经济学的角度就票号错失变迁机遇进行了分析,指出其根源在于:第一次合组银行失败———初级行动团体的缺失。由于其内部制度导致了决策层创新能力的逐步弱化,阻滞了初级行动团体的形成;第二次合组银行失败———次级行动团体缺失。由于组织内部各利益主体无法达成一致意见导致合组计划付之东流。 相似文献
2.
姜泽民 《中共云南省委党校学报》2002,3(5)
社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度是我们党对社会主义的长期实践的总结,是中国现阶段社会生产力发展的客观要求,必须坚持社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度不动摇。 相似文献
3.
传统上,国家间的互动关系被认为是国际法规则创制与实施的基本动力,但全球化,尤其是经济全球化使得国际法日益攸关个人的利益,个人与国家间的互动关系已然成为国际法发展的元动力。国际法只有以此为基点,才能更好地规范全球化,尤其是经济全球化的进程,使各国及其国民能够公平地享受全球化带来的好处。 相似文献
4.
Doreen Sprer 《Swiss Political Science Review》2004,10(2):157-179
This research note builds on recent results of the literature on presidentialism to develop a new measure of presidential power. The Index of Presidential Power (IPP) differentiates three dimensions: legitimacy, legislative and non‐legislative powers. The IPP can be used for all types of governmental systems in different political regimes. For the first time the IPP estimates presidential power granted by the constitution in all 28 post‐communist countries. This information is collected in the IPP data set, which is used to carry out analyses at the aggregate level as well as at the level of the individual presidential power dimensions. Results show that the semi‐presidential category is of little use. The comparison of the IPP with alternative indices of presidential power in post‐communist countries indicates that political analysis should give more attention to presidential power structures. 相似文献
5.
云南省中小学毒品预防教育调查报告 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
课题组 《云南警官学院学报》2003,(3):23-26
中小学校毒品预防教育是一项十分重要的禁毒基础工作。目前云南省中小学校虽已开展了不同形式的毒品预防教育工作 ,但是 ,部分学校迫于升学压力 ,加之在校学生吸毒情况不突出等原因 ,并未将毒品预防教育列入学校的重要工作之一 ,不注重毒品预防教育效果。 相似文献
6.
2004 年美国大选中技术构件的改进,提高了美国选举制度的可操作性和合理性;竞选开销创历史新高,加深了金钱政治对选举制度民主公平原则的侵蚀;候选人通过谎言和反面信息争取选票,违背了选举制度的诚信道德准则。 相似文献
7.
This article analyses the Portuguese presidential elections of January 2016, setting these within the backdrop of recent semi-presidential practice in Portugal. The election took place in the context of an apparent hollowing of the presidency, a pattern that potentially reflects the bailout that marked most of the second term of the outgoing president, Cavaco Silva. This pattern also helps explain the second-order nature of this presidential election. Despite potentially being an ‘open’ election – in that the incumbent had reached term limits – the election was characterised by low citizen mobilisation, low partisan involvement and low competitiveness. The initial two months of the newly elected president, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, suggests he is seeking to invert this hollowing pattern by mobilising popular support behind the presidency. 相似文献
8.
Prior research finds that the emergence of a quality challenger is one of the most important factors predicting whether incumbents will be vulnerable. Reformers in California and Washington envisioned that the top-two primary reform would increase electoral competition by allowing for general election contests that feature two same-party candidates in safe districts. In this research note, I investigate the degree to which these expectations have been fulfilled by looking at the prevalence of quality challengers in U.S. House contests. I compare one-party and two-party general election contests, finding that incumbents are significantly more likely to face a quality challenger from the same party than from the opposite party, all else equal. In contrast, when both states used traditional primaries prior to reform, incumbents were no more likely to face a quality challenger in the primary election than in the general election. Findings reveal a key way in which the top-two primary may fulfill reformers’ expectations and complement our understanding of how electoral institutions condition challenger entry decisions. 相似文献
9.
Judith Dwyer Tim Tenbensel Josée Lavoie Angelita Martini Catherine Brown Jeannie Devitt Paula Myott Edward Tilton Amohia Boulton 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2020,79(4):550-566
Persistent underperformance of public policy and program implementation in Aboriginal affairs is widely recognised. We analysed the results of two case studies of attempted reforms in public administration of Aboriginal primary health care in the Northern Territory, using a framework based on the institutionalist and systemic racism literatures, with the aim of better understanding the sources of implementation failure. Implementation of the agreed reforms was unsuccessful. Contributing factors were as follows: strong recognition of the need for change was not sustained; the seeds of change, present in the form of alternative practices, were not built on; there was a notable absence of sustained political/bureaucratic authorisation; and, interacting with all of these, systemic racism had important consequences and implications. Our framework was useful for making sense of the results. It is clear that reforms in Aboriginal affairs will require government authorities to engage with organisations and communities. We conclude that there are four requirements for improved implementation success: clear recognition of the need for change in ‘business as usual’; sustainable commitment and authorisation; the building of alternative structures and methods to enable effective power sharing (consistent with the requirements of parliamentary democracy); and addressing the impact of systemic racism on decision-making, relationships, and risk management. 相似文献
10.
Aaron S. Veenstra Benjamin A. Lyons İ. Alev Degim Flannagan 《Journal of Political Marketing》2017,16(3-4):365-385
The hostile media effect (HME) has generally been tested in terms of in-groups and out-groups, with a “neutral” story in between. This ignores the nature of many social groups as comprising subgroups, often but not always sharing feelings of connectedness and purpose. In cases when bounded subgroups are at odds with one another, HME provides little guidance. A contested partisan primary provides such a case. This study takes identity centrality, candidate favorability, and perceived social network homogeneity as measures of partisanship and involvement, hypothesizing relationships between each and perceived bias against one’s candidate and party. Findings show that markers of candidate-focused social identity predict greater perceived bias against one’s candidate during the 2016 primary season, while party-focused identity fails to predict perceived bias against one’s party. This suggests that candidate support identity overrides plain partisanship during primaries, supporting concern that a heated primary might damage general election party unity. Subsequent postconvention findings suggest that the salience of candidate-focused identity fades, while homogeneity of one’s network regarding party support helps to make perceived hostility toward one’s party identity more salient. However, as campaigns become more candidate-centered, the contestation between nested candidate and party identities may grow fiercer. 相似文献