辛亥革命时期会党与资产阶级革命派的联合

会党是秘密社会的重要组织，在辛亥革命时期，会党成为一支非常活跃的政治力量。他们与资产阶级革命派之间有联合有分裂，对革命的进程产生了深刻的影响。但由于资产阶级革命派的阶级局限性和会党自身弱点的相互渗透，在一定程度上导致了辛亥革命的失败。     

辛亥革命前革命派力倡共和政体及其历史抉择之评析

辛亥革命前 ,孙中山为首的革命派力倡共和政体 ,基于三方面认识 :清政府是满族建立的政府 ,革命成功之后 ,不能再建立由满族人作为君主的君主立宪政体 ,必须建立共和政体 ;采取共和政体 ,可抑制“豪杰”争雄之“野心” ,达到“一劳永逸”之目的 ;中国社会已具备了实现“共和政体”的基本条件。辛亥革命烈火中诞生的资产阶级共和政体 ,虽是进步的、革命的抉择 ,但却无法与中国社会机体有机地结合。资产阶级“共和政体”是不符合中国基本国情的尴尬抉择。     

The Prisoner Dilemma: Britain,Germany, and the Repatriation of Indian Prisoners of War

Abstract

Between October 1914 and December 1915, nearly 135,000 Indian riflemen—known as sepoys—fought in the trenches of France and Belgium at the battles of Ypres, Festubert, Givenchy, Neuve Chapelle, Second Ypres and Loos, suffering some 34,252 casualties. At a prisoner of war camp outside Berlin, Indian revolutionaries and emissaries from the Ottoman Empire attempted to convert the allegiances of the sepoys in their custody with a combination of pan-Islamic and nationalist appeals. Although this campaign ultimately failed, it profoundly shaped British repatriation policy at the end of the war when, cautioned Secretary of State for India Austen Chamberlain, the British could not allow men who had been exposed to ‘strongly hostile influences’ to return home unmonitored. The 1918 armistice and British repatriation policy therefore presented a host of new challenges to Britain’s colonial subjects from South Asia as they navigated the post-war imperial landscape and secured what was most important to them—safe transportation home.     

Terrorism and revolutionary violence: the emergence of terrorism in the French Revolution

Accounts of terrorism, which locate the emergence of the concept in the French Revolution, tend to accept two premises. First, they assume that the concept of terrorism names a particular form of violence. Second, they regard Robespierre as the first practitioner of terrorism, thus suggesting an understanding of the term as state violence. While this article substantiates the second premise by way of a discussion of the first systematic articulation of terrorism by Tallien in 1794, it problematises the first premise through an examination of archival evidence from the period between 1794 and 1797. By identifying a variety of conceptual uses of terrorism as a form of government, political philosophy and political identity, I argue for an expansion of the conceptual space within which terrorism is primarily understood as a form of violent action.     

Database section - Dimensions of Contemporary Conflict and Human Rights Violations

Scholars have long recognized the importance of Karl Heinzen's Mord und Freiheit in the history of terrorist thought. Yet the translation most scholars have relied on—1881s Murder and Liberty—is incomplete. Our new translation reveals four elements omitted from the 1881 translation. First, Heinzen conceived of terrorism as a transnational phenomenon. Second, he provided a material justification for terrorist tactics. Third, Heinzen viewed terrorism as both a tool to impel human society to progress and as a “progressive” tool of violence. Finally, he argued in favor of the primary modern tactic of terrorism—the indiscriminate bombing of civilians.