排序方式: 共有12条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Keine ?nderung der wirtschaftlichen Einflussm?glichkeiten liegt vor, wenn es zu Anteilsübertragungen oder Umgründungen zwischen
konzernverbundenen Gesellschaften kommt, aber sich bei jenen Personen nichts ?ndert, die auf der obersten Ebene den Einfluss
ausüben. Derartige Handlungen innerhalb eines Konzernverbunds verwirklichen nicht den Tatbestand des § 12a Abs 3 MRG. 相似文献
2.
牟笛 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2007,19(4):72-75
由于美国法典28卷1404(a)条款的立法规定在功能与措辞上均非常类似普通法上的非方便法院原则,因此很多学者误以为该立法规定与非方便法院原则之间并不存在实质性的差异。然而,这一看法并不正确。事实上,1404(a)条款立法在法律效果、证明标准以及具体适用方面均与非方便法院原则存在显著的区别。 相似文献
3.
J. Michael Angstadt 《政策研究评论》2020,37(2):244-259
As the emergence of nongovernmental conservation efforts generates conflict among various stakeholders, the causal story that each party articulates regarding conservation and the causes of land degradation reflects their unique interests. This study uses existing literature to evaluate causal stories surrounding a contemporary conservation effort: Montana's American Prairie Reserve. Through qualitative review of web‐based documents and newspaper articles, it generates a preliminary account of key stakeholders' causal stories. The case study suggests that parties who might be disadvantaged by ascribing responsibility for environmental harms in an adversarial fashion may instead elect to articulate causal stories that are more neutral than existing approaches might forecast. The study concludes by suggesting that further development of causal story literature may enable it to better address contemporary conservation efforts. 相似文献
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Seismologists have reported that a majority of recent earthquakes in Oklahoma have been triggered by the activities of oil and gas companies. Despite this fact, there is evidence of strong opposition toward earthquake mitigation policy. In this article, we argue that how individuals define issues affect their policy choice. Furthermore, we incorporate the concept of venue shopping from the literature on macro theories of the policy process to investigate the effect of problem definition in shaping individual venue preference for policy choice. Using unique survey data, we find that problem definition, particularly issue causality and issue image, is strongly related to individual support for earthquake mitigation policy. However, a more nuanced relationship between individual problem definition and venue preference is observed. Our findings contribute to scholarly endeavors to understand the politics of problem definition at an individual level, which may be the precursor of understanding policy choices at the institutional level. 相似文献
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Riss 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2007,20(5):146-149
Lautet der Wortlaut des verfahrenseinleitenden Antrags auf überprüfung, in welchem Ausma? durch die Mietzinsvereinbarung sowie
die Einforderung des Finanzierungsbeitrags das gesetzlich zul?ssige Zinsausma? überschritten worden sei, erlaubt diese Antragsformulierung
den Schluss, die ASt begehre (zumindest auch) eine überprüfung der Mietzinsbildung, wie sie im IV. Hauptstück des WWFSG 1989
geregelt und (nur) in diesem Umfang gem § 67 WWFSG 1989 in das au?erstreitige Verfahren verwiesen ist. Für die isolierte Prüfung
der richtigen Berechnung der (absoluten Gesamt-)H?he des vertraglich vereinbarten Finanzierungsbeitrags (nach Nutzfl?che oder
Nutzwert) enth?lt § 67 WWFSG 1989 aber keine Verweisung in das au?erstreitige Verfahren. 相似文献
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This paper focuses on the effects of political ideology and party affiliation on support for more government spending on environmental protection. Pooled‐sample results show that Liberals (Democrats) are more likely to support higher government spending on environmental protection than Moderates (Independents), who, in turn, are more likely to support higher spending levels than Conservatives (Republicans). The results persist even when we control for respondents' opinions concerning whether the federal government, in general, does too little or too much. When stratifying by party, ideological divisions generally narrow, while stratifying by ideology leads to slightly wider divisions between Democrats and Republicans. Together, these results suggest that when Liberals and Conservatives form opinions about government spending on the environment, party affiliation, to some degree, dampens the effects of ideology. Between 2014 and 2018 the probability of supporting more environmental spending increased, albeit slightly, for all ideologies and parties, but more so for Liberals and Democrats. 相似文献
9.
Ulrich Hartung 《政策研究评论》2020,37(1):92-114
In July 2018, the Court of Justice of the European Union decided that new plant breeding techniques (NPBTs) fall within the scope of the restrictive provisions on genetically modified organisms (GMOs). Previously, various actors had lobbied in order to influence the European Union’s (EU’s) regulatory decision on NPBTs. This study examines the venue choices taken by Cibus, a biotech company that promoted NPBT deregulation. It shows that the firm bypassed the EU level and that it lobbied competent authorities (CAs) in certain member states to gain support for the deregulation of NPBTs. Cibus chose the CAs because their institutional “closedness” reduced the risk of the debate over the deregulation of NPBTs becoming public. However, the CA’s specific competences and their influence on EU decision making were of likewise importance. The firm lobbied CAs based in Finland, Germany, Ireland, Sweden, Spain, and the United Kingdom. Two factors appear to have influenced Cibus’ choices for these countries: high‐level political support for agribiotech and the high relevance of biotech sectors. In contrast, public support for GMOs turned out to have hardly any influence, and virtually no association could be observed for the agricultural application of biotechnology in the past nor for the weakness of domestic anti‐GMO lobby groups. Finally, the in‐depth study on Germany affirms that “closedness” was important for Cibus’ choices and reveals that technical information served as a venue‐internal factor that influenced the firm’s choices. 相似文献
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