How Situational Crime Prevention Contributes to Social Welfare

Situational crime prevention has been met with considerable scepticism from academic criminologists primarily for its indifference to social welfare. It has been seen as contributing to a law-and-order agenda with its focus on making public places secure for business and as supplanting social welfare policies as means of responding to crime. But situational crime prevention contributes more to social welfare than sceptics allow and its advocates (may) believe. Situational crime prevention has enjoyed its fullest and robust expression, not in the free-market, neo-liberal environment of America, but within the leading welfare states of Norway, Sweden and Denmark. This essay considers the politics of the situational approach, the alleged benefits of social crime prevention, criminalisation of social policy, unplanned social welfare benefits, assumptions about the role of business, and concerns about privacy, surveillance and control. The discussion centres on the European experience: the UK, France, The Netherlands and the Nordic countries.

Crimes and Security

This essay considers the role that the value of security might play in criminalisation. While endorsing security as a legitimate rationale for the creation of a criminal offence, it examines some existing offences that are created or structured in a particular way for security reasons. This is done through a two‐stage analysis. Stage one considers the consequences of adopting an offence or offence definition if it was interpreted ideally and complied with perfectly. Stage two considers how we can expect the offences to operate in the real world given imperfect compliance and non‐ideal interpretation.     

Criminal heterarchy and its critics: governance and the making of insecurity in Colombia

ABSTRACT

The FARC, Colombia’s oldest and biggest guerrilla organisation, has long been constructed as the country’s public enemy number one, an enemy that is increasingly portrayed as an outright criminal actor who abandoned all political ambitions. This image of the FARC as a criminal threat to the Colombian state and society is central to a broader turn towards criminalisation in Colombian politics. Through the lens of a critical governance perspective and the notion of the state’s discursive selectivity this article analyses turning points during which the construction of Colombian society’s criminal enemies became a driving force in the country’s security governance. Which social forces support the implementation of criminalising forms of security governance and how? What are the social and political consequences of the latter? In answering these questions, the article argues that the war on (guerrilla) crime assumes a ‘productive’ role for Colombia’s formal democracy.     

“Behave Like Enraged Lions”: Civil Militias,the Army and the Criminalisation of Politics in Indonesia

Since the end of the authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998, Indonesia has embarked upon a difficult journey towards democracy. One of the key questions raised by the rise of social and political violence in both Java and the Outer Islands since President Suharto's resignation from power is that of the wearing away of the state's monopoly of the means of violence and of its legitimate uses. But the process of the criminalisation of both state agencies and political parties is much older than one would have it. It begun during the late colonial period and gained momentum during the war of independence, in the late 1940s, when army units had to engage in extortion and smuggling to cater for soldiers' needs. Under the New Order, this beam of relationships between the police, the army and criminal gangs was given an official recognition of some sort, hence quasi-legal protection, through the creation of the “System for the Protection of the Environment” (Siskamling). This “system” enabled many petty criminals from the red light districts to join civil and para-military militias and even, at times, to enter public administration. Post-Suharto Indonesia inherited these criminalised “grey areas” between state agencies and the underworld, where one would find numerous masters of violence – people for whom violence is both a way of life and a way of making a living.