冷战后联合国维持和平行动的法律分析

联合国维持和平行动是联合国在实践中创造的一种维持国际和平与安全的方法,贯彻自愿、中立、非武力等基本原则。冷战后的联合国维持和平行动呈现出许多新的特点,也引起了不少国家的担忧和非议。当前,联合国的改革与发展已处于十分关键的时期,如何使联合国维持和平行动法制化、规范化已成为摆在联合国及各会员国面前的紧要问题。     

NORTH KOREA’S PERSPECTIVES IN ITS ARGUMENT FOR A PEACE TREATY

In recent years, North Korea’s military provocations have been making the headlines. Beyond its harsh actions and remarks, North Korea persistently mentions ‘peace’ through a demand for a ‘peace treaty’. This may sound paradoxical. However, the origin of the North Korean argument for a peace treaty dates back to the Korean War (1950–53). Since then, North Korea has continued to raise the issue of a peace treaty in a consistent manner and the arguments have displayed similar logic and terminology throughout. It is this consistency and similarity that this article examines: through reviewing North Korea’s original texts, this article attempts to undercover North Korea's perspectives reflected in its argument for a peace treaty.     

Negotiating normative premises in democracy promotion: Venezuela and the Inter-American Democratic Charter

ABSTRACT

This article analyses negotiations on democracy promotion by looking at the case of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. It argues that Venezuela contested the concept of representative democracy during the Charter negotiations, advancing the notion of “participatory and protagonist democracy” and that, even if it was unsuccessful in its demands, the country contributed to deepening the debate on the concept of democracy, on which there is far from worldwide consensus. The article suggests that the main drivers of the negotiation process and the final agreement were domestic political changes in Venezuela, specific features of the negotiations, and the structural position of Venezuela in the field of democracy promotion in the global and regional contexts, which were, at the time, favourable to a compromising attitude to conclusion of the Charter, even if not to the concept of democracy.     

伊、巴、印关于IPI天然气管道的地缘政治战略博弈

IPI即从伊朗南帕尔斯气田通向巴基斯坦、印度的天然气管道,其谈判历程曲折复杂,其间不仅夹杂着伊、巴、印三方各自的利益诉求,而且还集中了大国间的利益纷争和矛盾,彼此的碰撞和博弈异常激烈。伊朗欲借此改善国内经济困境、稳定政局、打破美国的围堵。巴基斯坦欲借此缓解国内能源危机、改善巴伊关系、增加同印度谈判的筹码。印度也欲借此缓解国内能源短缺状况,加强与伊朗的能源合作,在能源争夺战中抢占先机。美国出于打压伊朗的目的,极力阻扰IPI的实施。     

条约演化解释方法的最新实践及其反思

演化解释俨然已成为条约解释的一个新趋势,但在实践运用中,该方法却存在武断、机械和片面等问题。未遵循条约解释的基本原理是导致这些问题的主要原因。演化解释方法和当时意义解释方法的关系密切,应在综合考虑各个解释要素的基础上,对这两种方法权衡后再作选择。运用演化解释方法,应在条约已有概念的基础上进行,并且不得违背条约的目的和宗旨。演化解释方法的运用可沿循一定的路径进行。     

The Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme at the university of South Africa: Is this the right path towards African solutions?

There have been a number of initiatives in Africa to rid the Continent of political instability, conflict, poverty and disease. Many have argued that aid from the West has helped Africa in many ways—from stopping wars, to food relief and rescuing the African environment. Yet others have slated Western involvement which they contend, frequently leaves Africans dependant rather than capable of solving their own problems. In line with the pan-Africanist and the African Union (AU) ideals, there is now a realisation by Africans that there is a need to find African solutions to African challenges and problems. This review article explores the University of South Africa’s (Unisa’s) Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme, by looking at its objectives and the reason why it must be labelled a Programme, its mandate, which is in line with the brief of the AU and pan-Africanist ideals. The article focuses on how Unisa’s programme responds to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG); and how it has attempted to facilitate knowledge for peace in Africa, through empowering electoral officials from various African states. The article concludes by looking at the successes and limitations of the Programme over a five-year period, from its inception in 2011.     

The More Assertive and Pragmatic New Energy Policy in Putin’s Russia: Security Implications for Northeast Asia

The article examines Russia’s New Energy Policy (NEP) and its impact on Northeast Asian security and the development of the Russian Far East. In contrast to analyses highlighting competition between China and Japan for Russian resources, to the contrary it is argued here that greater cooperation among consumer states in Northeast Asia would be beneficial for Russia. Although the NEP has resulted in changes in the composition of foreign investors in Russian energy projects, the author suggests that Moscow is interested in multinational cooperation in the energy sector because it would help diversify the regional energy market and contribute to the development of the Russian Far East and eastern Siberia.

古代中国与朝鲜的“气”哲学传统比较

在中国,元气自然论在王充以后,受魏晋玄学思辩哲学的压抑一度发展低迷,到北宋张载时走向高峰而发展为元气本体论,后又受程朱"理"论的排挤,一度衰微。300年后,王廷相、王夫之的气论又形成发展高潮。在朝鲜,确立气一元论哲学的徐敬德之后,气哲学传统就表现为主理主气之争、唯理唯气之争,最终由崔汉绮总集成。中国的气论主要作为宇宙本根论,道器、形而上、形而下等范畴始终成为诠释的中心。朝鲜的气论则更多地是对心、性、情等伦理本体的探讨,故主要围绕理气、心性、善恶等概念进行了研究。     

从国际法角度析空间武器问题

美国于2002年退出《弹道导弹条约》,并启动导弹防御计划,使外层空间面临着成为军备竞赛新场所的危险.尽管现有的国际法对空间武器的使用是否合法没有作明文规定,但包括《联合国宪章》等在内的国际法律性文件都试图以法律手段实现外层空间的非军事化;而根据《部分禁止核试验条约》,不允许缔约国进行任何使用核动力的导弹拦截试验;《环境影响公约》和《外空条约》等则禁止出于军事目的或任何其他敌对方式使用空间武器.     

欧盟竞争法对知识产权人滥用市场支配地位之规制--从欧洲法院的视角解析《欧共体条约》第82条

复制生产权是知识产权人独占性权利的重要组成部分,因此,权利人拒绝向第三方授予许可的行为本身并不当然构成《欧共体条约》第82条(以下简称ECT82)意义上之市场支配地位的滥用,但是,这并不排除某些特殊情况下滥用行为的存在。通过一系列案件的审判,欧洲法院对知识产权人滥用市场支配地位的判断总结出了一些标准,一旦符合这些标准,权利人就会被强行要求向市场提供某些产品或服务,尤其是当权利人凭借知识产权垄断了市场“基础设施”的时候,欧盟竞争法就会赋予权利人开放这种“特定门槛”的强制性义务。