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1.
顶空固相微萃取气相色谱法快速检测尿液中氯胺酮 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
目的建立快速检测吸毒人员尿液中氯胺酮的顶空固相微萃取(HS/SPME)-GC/NPD的方法。方法样品瓶中加入尿液、氢氧化钠溶液、氯化钠,在95℃下加热搅拌,用聚二甲基硅氧烷SPME萃取头(100μm)顶空萃取20min,气相色谱氮磷检测器检测,外标法定量。结果尿液中氯胺酮浓度在0.2~20.0μg/ml范围内呈现线性关系(r2=0.9965),尿液添加1.0μg氯胺酮,平均回收率102.6%,RSD=3.39%(n=7),检测限1.13ng/ml(S/N=3)。结论建立的方法简单、快速、灵敏、准确,十分适合尿液等生物检材中氯胺酮的快速定性定量分析。 相似文献
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血中氯胺酮的液液提取及GC/ECD检测 总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7
通过采用液液提取技术以安定为内标对血中氯胺酮进行检验研究,同时考查了各种因素对提取率的影响,表明血中氯胺酮的最佳提取条件是:在pH10.8的碱性条件下,用乙醚提取,回收率为85.5%,最小检出限可达35ng/mL,并通过中毒实验,对中毒兔的血检材进行了分析,证明该方法准确、灵敏、可用于氯胺酮吸毒的认定。 相似文献
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一 1 9岁男子赌气吞服一白色粉末 ,1 0min后口鼻流血、抽搐 ,迅速送医院 ,经催吐、透析等方法治疗 5天后死亡。根据中毒症状和经验怀疑为毒鼠强中毒。用GC/NPD检验肝中毒鼠强有干扰。改用GC/MS -SIM法分析 ,心血、肝和胃组织中全部检出毒鼠强 ,浓度分别为 0 5 1 μg .mL- 1、0 4 5 μg .g- 1和 0 33μg .g- 1,和文献结果在同一水平。GC/MS -SIM对复杂检材中低含量毒鼠强测定具有更高的选择性 ,也具有较高的灵敏度 ,同时进一步证实毒鼠强排泄较慢 ,经过较长时间后在体内分布比较均匀 相似文献
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Moch Faisal Karim 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(8):1554-1570
AbstractThis article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation. 相似文献
7.
Unexpected Persistence Amidst Enlargement Stasis: Usages of Europe in Turkey’s Nuclear Energy Debate
Recent studies on European Union (EU) Enlargement have emphasised the importance of usages of ‘Europe’ by domestic actors as a necessary condition for the EU to have an impact on domestic politics. We study the usages of Europe in the critical case of Turkey’s nuclear energy policy. We analyse the narratives and actions of domestic actors in Turkey to identify if they use ‘Europe’ (the EU and the idea of Europe). We reach the counter-intuitive finding of usages by both state and non-state actors, which illustrates that usages of Europe can persist despite enlargement stasis in candidate states. 相似文献
8.
Frederick Golooba-Mutebi 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2017,55(1):22-40
Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt. 相似文献
9.
Virginie Redouté Minzière M.Sc. Denis Werner M.Sc. Daniela Schneider M.Sc. Manuela Manganelli M.S. Balthasar Jung Ph.D. Céline Weyermann Ph.D. Anne-Laure Gassner Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(4):1102-1113
Gunshot residue (GSR) analysis and their interpretation provide crucial information on a criminal investigation involving the use of firearms. To date, several approaches have been proposed for the implementation of a combined sampling and analysis of inorganic (IGSR) and organic GSR (OGSR). However, it is not clear at this stage if concurrent analyses of both types of residue might be detrimental to the analysis of IGSR currently applied in forensic laboratories. Thus, this work aims to compare and evaluate three different protocols for the combined collection and analysis of IGSR and OGSR. These methods, respectively, involve the use of a modified stub (with two halves, one for the detection of IGSR and the other for the analysis of OGSR); the sequential recovery of GSR with two stubs mounted with different adhesives (double-sided carbon tape and Tesa® TACK) and the sequential analysis of IGSR and OGSR from a single carbon stub following carbon deposition. The detection of IGSR was carried out using SEM-EDX, while OGSR analysis was performed using ultra-high-performance liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry (UHPLC-MS/MS). Obtained results for experiments performed using Geco Sinoxid® ammunition indicated that sequential analysis was the most suitable protocol for the combined collection and analysis of both IGSR and OGSR. A higher number of inorganic (characteristic and consistent) particles and higher concentrations of ethylcentralite, N-nitrosodiphenylamine, diphenylamine, and nitroglycerin were recovered with this method. 相似文献
10.
In this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia. 相似文献