Domestic Violence: Research and Implications for Batterer Programmes in Europe

The European Union is in the early stages of developing policy and practice guidelines for dealing with domestic violence offenders. There is a real danger, however, that that policy and practice is going to be shaped by political lobbyists rather than academic literature and evidence-based practice. Feminist advocates control the curriculum of domestic violence perpetrator programmes in the US and more recently in the UK and proscribe treatments that do not conform to their conceptualisation of domestic violence. Feminist advocates conceptualise domestic violence as unilateral male-to-female violence enacted to control and dominate women, supported by the patriarchal beliefs and systems of the wider society. Academic support for this theory is lacking, however, and scientifically sound evaluations find that programmes based on this philosophy have little or no effect on recidivism. Empirical literature suggests that domestic violence is not a unitary phenomenon and that perpetrators are a heterogeneous group whose treatment should match their crimingenic needs and risk.     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.     

首都社会治安整体防控理论述评

首都社会治安整体防控理论的主要内容包括:整体防控的战略部署,四张网络的立体架构,防范控制的精确指导,专业力量的精确打击,队伍建设的全面推进.首都社会治安整体防控理论的科学价值在于:它建立了一套特定的概念体系,提出了一系列科学的判断,解答了新时期社会治安工作面临的系列难题.该理论对治安情况复杂地区的社会治安防控体系建设工作具有普遍的指导意义.     

家庭工人体面劳动公约对中国立法的影响

本文评介了《2011年家庭工人公约》的基本精神和立法协商机制,对中国相关法律进行了性别审计。借鉴国际经验,提出并论证了一些立法建议,包括遵循人权普遍性和非歧视原则,打破劳动法不调整私人雇佣的思维定势,通过三方协商机制和社会对话确立家政工劳动保障标准。     

Transcending Culture and Structure:Theoretical Paradigms of Cultural Sociology and Its Integration

Sociological theory which is dominated by structuralism paradigm faced with a series of crisis and predicament, and has given rise to a turn of cultural. It reviews and reflects critically the concept, development context and theoretical paradigms change of cultural sociology about domestic and foreign helps to gain insight into concerns and explanatory power of cultural sociology responding China’s current social issues. This article summarizes theoretical context of cultural sociology and its three leading research paradigms (culture-structuralism paradigm, stratification-class perspective, and strong-weak cultural program), and find that although the three paradigms have their own critically advantages, but faced with the common problem that is hard to jump out of the duality between culture and structure. Besides, this article tries to put forward an integrated research paradigm of cultural sociology, and in order to respond to the China’s indigenization of sociology and current social real issues.     

应用型复合型公安专业人才培养改革教学质量监控与保障体系构建研究

根据中央有关部门关于以构建政法业务综合素质培养为基础,以职业精神、基本技能和专业能力教育培养为核心,探索教、学、练、战一体化人才培养模式的改革精神,公安院校开展了一系列针对体制改革试点工作的教育教学改革。为适应应用型复合型人才培养的需求,探索公安专业人才培养教学质量监控体系与保障机制在当前公安高校教育教学改革中的理论意义与实践价值。     

Parenting Coordination In Cases Involving Intimate Partner Violence

Parenting Coordination is a “hybrid legal‐mental health role that combines assessment, education, case management, conflict management, dispute resolution and, often times, decision‐making functions (AFCC, 2019, https://www.afccnet.org/Portals/0/PublicDocuments/Guidelines%20for%20PC%20with%20Appendex.pdf?ver=2020-01-30-190220-990 ). This article addresses issues that arise when the case has allegations or findings of intimate partner violence (IPV). Considerations of the type of IPV, the severity, timing, perpetrator and effects on coparenting are discussed in the context of the parenting coordinator's role. Through screening and assessment, we differentiate the kinds of cases with the presence of IPV where a PC may be effective as opposed to other IPV cases that may not predict success for retaining a PC.     

Raised By a Predator: Sex Offender Parents and an Effort To Keep Them Out of the Child's Home

Registered sex offenders are obligated to comply with rules put forth by their state's registry. While there are stringent guidelines regarding the offender's interaction with the public, a sex offender's ability to obtain custody of their child is less rigid. Statutes differ on the level of scrutiny referencing their right to parent, which leaves an opening for offenders to abuse their child. This Note proposes the adoption of a model statute in which registered Tier III sex offender parents who were convicted for a crime involving a minor are precluded from gaining physical or legal custody of their child.     

低自我控制与家庭社会经济地位在青少年犯罪中的作用——我国青少年犯罪成因实证研究初探

本研究分别对以官方统计数据和自我报告法获得的数据进行初步回归分析发现,在影响青少年犯罪的多种因素中,"低自我控制(low self-control)"的解释力最为突出,证实了青春期特有的身心冲突极有可能是导致此人生阶段犯罪(或偏差行为)激增的主要因素。同时我们还发现了家庭社会经济地位在青少年犯罪中的特殊作用。     

Domestic elites and external actors in post-conflict democratisation: mapping interactions and their impact

Abstract

Following the end of the Cold War, post-conflict democratisation has rarely occurred without a significant international involvement. This contribution argues that an explanation of the outcomes of post-conflict democratisation requires more than an examination of external actors, their mission mandates or their capabilities and deficiencies. In addition, there is a need to study domestic elites, their preferences and motivations, as well as their perceptions of and their reactions to external interference. Moreover, the patterns of external–internal interactions may explain the trajectory of state-building and democracy promotion efforts. These issues deserve more attention from both scholars and practitioners in the fields of peace- and state-building, democracy promotion, regime transition and elite research. Analyses of external actors and domestic elites in post-conflict democratisation should therefore address three principal issues: (1) the identification of relevant domestic elites in externally induced or monitored state-building and democratisation processes, (2) the dynamics of external–domestic interactions and (3) the impact of these interactions on the outcomes of post-conflict democratisation.