菲律宾南部穆斯林分离运动的缘由——反抗组织领导层与普通穆斯林的意识形态错位

菲律宾南部摩洛人在几百年的反殖斗争中形成了以信仰伊斯兰教为基础的认同,这种同一性是战后菲律宾南部穆斯林反抗运动的主要精神动力.但是战后兴起的摩洛民族解放阵线、摩洛伊斯兰解放阵线及阿布沙耶夫三个反抗组织在发展过程中均没能从这种宗教同一性出发,反抗运动的领导层和下层穆斯林在意识形态上存在着错位的现象,普通穆斯林积极参加反抗运动另有原因.     

中东伊斯兰力量掌权前景分析

1979年伊朗伊斯兰革命成功后,中东出现了伊斯兰力量夺权的浪潮。总体来看,伊斯兰组织采取了四种策略,即政变、恐怖袭击、内战或者革命以及参加民主选举。由于各国执政者对军队的严密控制,除苏丹这个特例外,政变从未成功。恐怖袭击虽能破坏社会秩序,但无法动摇政权的根基。伊朗革命具有极强的特殊性,别国无法成功复制。而大多数中东国家中央政府相对强大,不具备发生内战的条件。因此,在中东国家实行政治改革后,参加民主选举成为获取权力最为现实可行的方式。在此情况下,越来越多的伊斯兰组织将会放弃暴力夺权的方式,淡化意识形态的色彩,与其他世俗政治派别一起公平竞争国家权力。     

伊斯兰法中国本土化与回族伊斯兰习惯法的形成

伊斯兰法作为一种外来的法律制度,具有充分的文化属性,它在中国境内的发生、成长过程其实就是一种典型的法律本土化过程,而且这种过程是伴随着伊斯兰教的中国本土化实现的。它是回族在信仰伊斯兰教过程中,以《古兰经》和《圣训》为主要内容的伊斯兰教法运用“公议”和“类比”推导出来的法律论断,固化为本民族的生活制度(即习惯)后,通过民间宗教权威予以保障,所形成的一整套内控性的生活秩序规范体系。     

马来西亚伊斯兰教国理念、实践与政党政治

马来西亚是东南亚伊斯兰教国家之一,伊斯兰教国议题成为执政党巫统和反对党伊斯兰党争取马来选民支持、寻求政治合法性和打击对手的重要手段之一.华人政党也加入伊斯兰教国的争论,因为这关系到国家政体、民主、种族平等和多元宗教等大问题.在马来西亚政党架构、政党斗争、多元宗教和多元种族的特定条件下,伊斯兰教国议题成为近年马来西亚伊斯兰教政治化的集中体现.     

MAINTAINING A UNITARY STATE: COUNTER-TERRORISM,SEPARATISM, AND EXTREMISM IN XINJIANG AND CHINA

This essay reviews the history of Uighur related terrorism in Xinjiang as well as elsewhere in China and discusses the political motivations and effectiveness of the Chinese government in suppressing terrorism. The essay assesses both the motivations of the Uighurs engaged in terrorism, as well as the motivations for counter terrorist by the Chinese authorities. A key objective of the essay is to determine what are the political and other reasons that drive the Chinese government’s counter terrorism strategy and tactics and whether these have been effective or counter-productive. The essay assesses the counter terrorism strategy of the Chinese government in Xinjiang Province and across China, the political motivations for the strategy, the impact and success or otherwise. The essay discusses if the government is combatting terrorism, or separatism, or extremism, the confusion of these terms, and whether this has had any impact on the effectiveness of counter terrorism.     

Autocratic legitimation in Iran: Ali Khamenei’s discourse on regime “insiders” and “outsiders”

The article analyses Ali Khamenei’s discourse on insiders and outsiders in the Islamic Republic of Iran, arguing that it shows the leader of an electoral revolutionary regime striving to counter elite fragmentation and growing democratic demands. It studies identity demarcation as a tool of autocratic legitimation. In a political system where the possibility to access political positions depends on supporting a belief-system, all cadres share a basic identity, which rulers can exploit to draw boundaries between “us” and “them”. The analysis reveals how Iran’s leader capitalizes on the existence of an insider-outsider divide to promote ideas about an imagined “we” of the regime. The “we” is portrayed as an Islamic we, fully committed to his rule. The article maintains that Khamenei developed this discourse in response to the challenge of the Iranian reform movement. It analyses, first, the context in which the discourse emerged and, second, the discursive strategy itself, to substantiate the claim. It concludes that the discourse had two essential aims in the containment (1997–2003) and crushing (2009–2010) of the pro-democracy reformist and Green movements: to de-legitimate Khamenei’s opponents through othering and to legitimate the counter-mobilization of repressive agents.     

Grasping the Syrian War,a view from Albanians in the Balkans

Reactions to the brutal Syrian War from European governments and Europe’s Muslims have been diverse and subject to many shifts over the past few years. This paper focuses on how Albanian political and Islamic religious figures living in the Balkans have come to interpret the war. I focus on discourse, the ways in which these different agents communicate with their audience, and the wider contexts they evoke. Government sources and religiously themed lectures delivered by prominent imams on the social networking site YouTube are used to assess these trends. The most obvious aspect of these debates is the ways in which these agents use the war to press their own agendas, the government to affirm their commitment to the “West” and an ethnicized view of Islam, while Islamic religious leaders use it to reconnect their audiences to a more cosmopolitan vision of their past. War thus becomes a catalyst for a resurgent contestation between different groups vying for control over what it means to be “Albanian” and “Muslim” in the twenty-first century.     

Regulation of armed conflict: critical comparativism

Abstract

This paper calls for comparative analysis of international humanitarian law and Islamic laws regulating armed conflict by focusing on the underlying assumptions and interests informing both systems (rather than on rule-based comparison). It argues that examination of the biases inherent to each legal system can potentially inform scholars to understand better the paradigms shaping each of them. In doing so, the paper builds on contextual and critical interpretations of both fields of law to assert the need for ‘critical comparativism’ rather than functionalist comparativism. Unlike functionalist comparativism, which treats international law as the ‘objective’ benchmark against which other legal traditions are measured, ‘critical comparativism’ treats the two legal systems examined as alternative manifestations of power structures which, when contrasted against each other, help shed more light on the inherent bias in each legal system.     

文化融入策略与恐怖组织的认同

恐怖组织的认同构建过程可分为三个阶段：个体恐怖分子在群体中找到自我、组织内部同一性的构建以及组织一致对外的恐怖主义活动。在整个认同构建过程中,始终贯穿着恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾,具体表现为：第一阶段,潜在恐怖分子在主流文化中认同受挫,转而寻求加入恐怖组织。第二阶段,恐怖组织以自身所处的宗教文化为基础,构建其组织文化,并积极通过各种方式加深组织成员对这一文化的认同,但与此相对,恐怖组织外群体却很难认同其组织文化。第三阶段,恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾持续激化,最终导致恐怖组织采取一致对外的恐怖主义活动。通过“伊斯兰国”作为案例,对上述恐怖组织的认同过程进行分析后发现,“伊斯兰国”的“成功”是与其“成功”的文化融入策略密切相关,而其在阿富汗的受挫,在很大程度上也是由于文化融入策略“失当”所导致的,即“伊斯兰国”在阿富汗不但无力完成与塔利班的竞争,而且无法解决组织面临的跨文化冲突问题。因此,在打击“伊斯兰国”等暴恐极端势力时,关注文化融入策略的影响并有针对性地采取对策,具有重要意义和价值。