新城疫病毒F48E9株M NP F和HN基因的真核表达

将新城疫病毒(NDV)F48E9株的M、NP、F和HN基因克隆到真核细胞表达载体 pCAGG上,经酶切、PCR鉴定和序列分析,分别筛选出了含有M、NP、F和HN基因的重组质粒, 命名为pCAGG-M、pCAGG-NP、pCAGG-F和pCAGG-HN。纯化后的重组质粒通过脂质体单独转染HeLa细胞,经间接免疫荧光试验检测到了M、NP、F和HN蛋白的表达。pCAGG-M、 pCAGG-NP、pCAGG-F和pCAGG-HN重组质粒组合共转染HeLa细胞48 h后,可以观察到明显的细胞融合现象。试验结果表明,NDV F48E9株的M、NP、F和HN蛋白均在HeLa细胞内得到了成功表达,同时证明在该表达系统中F蛋白不足以诱导细胞融合。     

Schadenersatzreform – Gefährdungshaftung und Unternehmerhaftung

Der Entwurf eines neuen ?sterreichischen Schadenersatzrechts sieht Regelungen der Gef?hrdungshaftung sowie der Unternehmerhaftung vor. Der Beitrag untersucht die jeweilige Ausgangslage, das Reformanliegen und die Konsequenzen einer Reform.     

Spain: from the indignados rebellion to regime crisis (2011-2016)

Since 15 May 2011 Spain has progressively entered a political and regime crisis in which the main institutional pillars of the political system constructed in 1977-1978 during the transition from the Franco dictatorship to parliamentary democracy suffered from serious wear. This can be analysed following Gramsci's notion of hegemony crisis whose main features fit well with the current situation in Spain. The regime crisis has passed through different stages – the last being the emergence and rise in the polls of Podemos, which emerged in a context marked by the deepening of the crisis and the difficulty of securing significant social victories. To understand the meaning of this current regime crises it is useful to read history, following Walter Benjamin as an open process full of bifurcations with no linear trajectory. Spanish regime crisis opens for the first time since the seventies the possibility of a social and political change whose final sense is still uncertain.     

鸡传染性支气管炎病毒陕西分离株M蛋白基因的变异及其B细胞表位稳定性

以陕西8株鸡传染性支气管炎病毒(AIBV)分离株M蛋白的基因序列为基础,应用DNAStar软件中的MegAlign模块对其进行了同源性分析;用Kyte-Doolittle方法、Jameson-Wolf方法、Karplus-Schulz方法、Plot-Emini方法和Garnier-Robson方法综合预测了其中4株代表毒株的M蛋白B细胞抗原表位和二级结构。结果,8株AIBV的M蛋白主要在10~40 aa和90~175 aa处存在无规律的点突变,与参考毒株H52、M41、SAIB20、LX和Gray的M蛋白的核苷酸序列和预测的氨基酸序列的同源性分别介于87.4%~99.5%和96.3%~99.5%;分离株间的核苷酸序列和预测的氨基酸序列同源性分别介于91.8%~99.8%和95.4%~100%。4株代表株的M蛋白B细胞优势抗原表位都在159~164 aa和181~193 aa肽段区(这2个区域都包含了无规则卷曲和β-转角结构)或其附近。结果表明,AIBV分离株的M蛋白基因相对保守,只存在无规律的点突变,该变异对AIBV M蛋白B细胞表位的稳定性无影响。     

Intercepting Disgrace: Lacuna and “Letter to John Coetzee”

ABSTRACT

This review article examines two palimpsest rewritings of J. M.Coetzee’s canonical but controversial novel, Disgrace (1999). Both rewritings are by women: Lacuna, a novel published in 2019, is by a white South African woman, Fiona Snyckers, and “Letter to John Coetzee” takes the form of a short story by Michelle Cahill, a woman of color living in Australia, published in Cahill’s collection Letter to Pessoa (2016). The article uses Cahill’s coinage of “interceptionality” to discuss how dominant narratives may be disrupted and subverted, particularly when it comes to representing gender-based violence in the arts. It concludes with a discussion of South African artist Gabrielle Goliath’s exhibition, “This song is for … ” (2019).     

M48磁珠法和Chelex-100法提取脱落细胞DNA的初步比较

目的对M48磁珠法和Chelex-100法提取脱落细胞DNA的检验效果进行比较,为优化提取方法提供参考。方法选取案件受理检材50例烟蒂、50例纺织物品、50例作案工具,根据不同条件分别用吸附法、沾附法获得DNA,采用磁珠法（M48）和Chelex-100法提取后,常规STR检测。结果烟蒂类检材采用2种方法提取DNA,所得结果没有明显差异;纺织物品和作案工具上脱落细胞DNA的提取采用M48磁珠法提取的效果明显优于Chelex-100法。结论相对而言,M48磁珠法更具优势。     

从矛盾到协调:我国法学本科与研究生教育关系之合理厘定——以完善我国司法考试制度为基轴

我国现行法学高等教育模式并不明确,使得法学本科教育与研究生教育存在着目标设定、发展模式的宏观混同以及教学方式、内容微观重叠等诸多积弊。厘清二者的关系既是提升我国法学高等教育质量之必须,又是我国法律职业共同体形成之前提。建议首先明确我国法学高等教育的发展模式,合理引入司法实务训练,并以完善我国既有司法考试制度为基轴,进一步厘定法学本科与研究生教育的关系。     

大鼠挫伤骨骼肌中M1/M2型巨噬细胞时间相关性研究

目的 研究大鼠骨骼肌挫伤后M1/M2型巨噬细胞浸润的动态变化规律结合组织学改变建立损伤时间推断方法.方法 建立大鼠骨骼肌挫伤模型,挫伤后6h、12h、24h、36h、48h、60h、72h、96h、144h、216h、336h为实验组,对照组不进行任何处理.采用HE染色法和免疫荧光多重染色方法观察骨骼肌挫伤后修复规律,...     

不同机制介导怀牛膝兴奋未孕大鼠子宫平滑肌的峰电活动

在 5 0只Wistar雌性未孕大鼠子宫角浆膜面上沿子宫纵轴埋植 1对Ag -AgCl双极电极 ,腹腔注射阿托品或异搏定或消炎痛后 ,观察注射怀牛膝 0 .6mL对未孕大鼠子宫平滑肌峰电活动的影响 ,探讨其兴奋的途径。结果表明 ,阿托品阻断胆碱能M受体后 ,腹腔注射怀牛膝水煎剂 ,子宫平滑肌峰电活动表现出明显的兴奋效应 ;异搏定阻断L型Ca2 通道 (L VDCC)后 ,腹腔注射怀牛膝水煎剂 ,暴发波的最大振幅等 4项指标均无明显变化 (P >0 .0 5 ) ,而单波的正波最大振幅和峰面积则有明显增加 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,单波的负波最大振幅则无显著变化 (P >0 .0 5 ) ;腹腔注射前列腺素合成酶抑制剂消炎痛后 ,注射怀牛膝水煎剂 ,暴发波的最大振幅等 4项指标变化不明显 (P >0 .0 5 ) ,单波的正波最大振幅等 3项指标均有明显升高 (P <0 .0 5 )。结果提示 ,怀牛膝对未孕大鼠子宫平滑肌峰电活动的兴奋作用是通过胆碱能M受体以外的其他途径实现的 ,部分可能与子宫平滑肌细胞膜上的异搏定敏感的L型Ca2 通道有关 ,部分可能与刺激前列腺素合成与释放有关     

Nixon and the Jews

ABSTRACT

In public the 37th President of the United States did not express hostility or disparagement, or show any signs of religious prejudice towards Jews. But inside the White House, Richard M. Nixon's remarks were often scurrilous. His antisemitism was not casual; it was close to compulsive. And it could be coupled with other seething grievances, for example, towards liberals, radicals, the media, Blacks and Italian-Americans. Yet Nixon controlled his antisemitism. It had no adverse effect on Jewish life, either at home or abroad. The malice that he nurtured remained unmobilized. Apart from a few limited personnel instances (mostly but not completely ignored by Nixon's underlings), it is impossible to connect private resentment to public policy, probably because the barriers to the expression of antisemitism in the United States have been so high. The ugliness of his utterances in the Oval Office revealed his character, but did not extend outward to shape the processes of governance. A disconnect can therefore be discerned between what he felt and how he acted. Most American Jews voted for Nixon's Democratic opponents in 1968 and 1972. But even Jews who voted against him, even those who loathed him, have often acknowledged that Nixon's policies fortified the security of Israel; and he was proud of his support for the Jewish state during the Yom Kippur War. What betrayed Nixon, and what forced him to resign the presidency, was his decision to instal a secret taping system in the Oval Office. When the tapes were played in 1974, he showed himself to be conspiring to obstruct justice. In subsequent years, further exposure of the tapes revealed the extent and intensity of Nixon's antipathy to Jews. The expletives that had to be deleted did much to besmirch the dignity of the office. But such was the stigma the political culture attached to antisemitism that, had his bigotry become public before 1968, Nixon's career would have been over.