Constitutionalism as a solution to despotism and imperialism: the Iranian Constitutional Revolution in the Ottoman-Turkish press

This article contributes to the growing scholarship on the connections between the Ottoman and Iranian revolutions by exploring Ottomans’ reactions to and portrayal of the constitutional struggle in Iran. Based on an examination of primary sources that have not been utilized before, it reveals how an ideologically diverse group of intellectuals tried to link the two revolutions together in the Ottoman-Turkish press, focusing on shared problems and ideals. It demonstrates that undergoing a revolutionary process themselves, these intellectuals interpreted the events in Iran through the prism of their own experiences and used them to garner support for the constitutional regime at home. Through their depictions of the Iranian revolution, they not only portrayed the 1908 Revolution as part of a broader struggle against despotism and imperialism with significant implications for the Islamic world, but also conveyed the message that the Ottoman constitution needed to be supported and protected so that it did not fail like the one in Iran.     

Young Turk Governance in the Ottoman Empire during the First World War

Abstract

The article analyses the system of government of the Ottoman Empire during the First World War by looking at three elements: the constitutional-parliamentarian monarchy, the Committee of Union and Progress and the army. The analysis takes place along two axes: one in which the functioning of, and the power relations between, the different institutional elements are analysed, and one based on a series of case studies of important decision-making moments of the years 1914–18.

The civil-military relations as they developed during the war years are studies in a comparative framework. The Ottoman situation is analysed against the backdrop of changes in the balance of power between military and civilian authorities in other belligerent countries in Europe.

The conclusion is that the Ottoman Empire was a constitutional and parliamentarian monarchy only in name, but that its governance did not turn into a form of military rule either. It was run by the Committee of Union and Progress, but within that, key decisions were taken by changing informal coalitions of power brokers in such a way as to make sure that the two dominant factions, the civilian one led by Talât and the military one led by Enver were in agreement.     

Mariages et identité nationale au Liban. Les relations libano-palestiniennes dans le Liban de Taëf (1989–2005)

Abstract

The city of Ashkelon occupies the geographical area that, during the Ottoman and Mandatory periods, belonged to six settlements (Majdal, Hamame, Nailia, Jora, Rasem, and Hasas). Although these settlements differed from one another in nature and in status, they nonetheless had ties with each other and with the large village, later to become the town Majdal, the central settlement in the region. The various developments that Palestine underwent during the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries did not pass over this area. Although the livelihood of the settlements in the region was based primarily on agriculture, each also possessed a distinctive character. The research describes the geographical developments in the Ashkelon region and its landscape, and examines the changes they and the area, underwent as a case study of the southern coastal plain.     

The Turkish Republic's Jihad? Religious symbols,terminology and ceremonies in Turkey during the Korean War 1950–1953

On 25 July 1950, a month after the beginning of the Korean War, the newly elected Democratic Party (DP) in Turkey announced that a brigade would be sent to assist South Korea as part of the UN mission led by the United States. The main argument of this article is that although the DP regime is considered a secular and Kemalist one, the state continued the Ottoman tradition and practice of using Islam to gain support for the war and to mobilize the Turkish nation. To do so, the article will show the similarity of both the means and the content of religious propaganda used in the Korean War to those used in the Ottoman jihad in the First World War. This article suggests that parts of the public understood the war as a religious conflict and not just as an ideological one thus indicating the success of the religious messages and their efficiency.     

Marriage in urban Albania (during the first half of the twentieth century)

This article analyses the marriage pattern in urban Albania, based primarily on the data of the Albanian Population Census of 1918. Age at marriage and the factors influencing nuptiality among the urban population are analysed using a combination of quantitative and qualitative data. The analyses show that the marriage pattern in urban Albania was similar to Laslett's Mediterranean set, while rural areas displayed an age at marriage for both men and women which was characteristic of the marriage pattern East of the Hajnal line. Albanian cities showed a higher age at marriage for both men and women than villages. The difference in age at marriage between urban and rural areas was noticeably higher for men, while the age at marriage for women showed smaller differences. An explanation for these differences in the age at marriage was found in a combination of traditional marital behaviour and demographic issues, which broadened or narrowed the marriage field, thus directly influencing the age at marriage.     

Marriage and household in the Belgrade elite at the beginning of the 20th century: The Novaković family

Building on Ahmad ibn Yusuf b. al-Qadi al-Timbuktawi's treatise entitled Hatk al-Sitr Amma Alayhi Sudani Tunis min al-Kufr (Piercing the Veil: Being an Account of the Infidel Religions of the Blacks of Tunis) this paper examines the implications of the Hausa non-Muslim Bori cult practice in Ottoman Tunis on enslaved West Africans' retentions of religious and family values from their original homelands. Specifically, the paper traces and analyses the evolution of Bori cult practice in the Tunisian milieu and places it in its proper historical and diasporic contexts. To this end, the paper goes beyond questions that are not central to al-Timbuktawi's condemnation of the enslaved West African community of Tunis, but which nonetheless attracts the attention of scholars interested in the diasporic and historical significance of Bori cult practice in the Maghreb.     

State ‘parenthood’ and vocational orphanages (islâhhanes): Transformation of urbanity and family life

Ottoman urban reform policies not only targeted the rehabilitation and rebuilding of provinces, cities, streets, and squares; they also aspired to refashion the inhabitants of urban spaces. Vocational orphanages (?slâhhanes) of the latter half of the nineteenth century were, in that respect, instrumental in removing minor vagrants, beggars, and street children from urban areas according to redefined borders of urban security and visibility and in reintegrating them into society through training and employment in arts and crafts. As much as this initiative was a significant step on the part of the state to intervene in family life and child-rearing practices, the research also points to the agency of poor parents in demanding and benefiting from state welfare policies.     

Family,clergy, conviviality and morality among the Greek-Orthodox in Izmir at the end of the Empire

This paper discusses the intricate relation between aspects of social life and the antagonism of the administrative institutions in a particular locality. By using cases of divorce decisions as well as contested weddings among people from different confessions which, despite the fact that they took place in Izmir were reported to and investigated by the Greek-Orthodox Patriarchate of Constantinople, it aspires to shed light on those liminal aspects where locality and conviviality are transgressed in the name of tradition. Furthermore, the paper investigates the role of the clergy both in dealing with charity and the destitute, and as an institution, whose encounters with modernity triggers tensions and new perceptions of the relation between the church and its congregation, always bearing upon issues of morality and efficiency.     

THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND THE MIDDLE EAST

The First World War in the Middle East swept away five hundred years of Ottoman dominion. It ushered in new ideologies and radicalized old ones – from Arab nationalism and revolutionary socialism to impassioned forms of atavistic Islamism. It created heroic icons, like the enigmatic Lawrence or the modernizing Atatürk, and it completely re-drew the map of the region, forging a host of new nation states, For many, the self-serving intervention of these powers in the region between 1914 and 1919 is the major reason for the conflicts that have raged there on and off ever since. Yet many of the most common assertions about the First World War in the Middle East and its aftermath are devoid of context. This article argues that, far from being a mere sideshow to the war in Europe, the Middle Eastern conflict was in fact the centre of gravity in a war for imperial interests. Moreover, contrary to another persistent myth of the First World War in the Middle East, local leaders and their forces were not simply the puppets of the Great Powers. The way in which these local forces embraced, resisted, succumbed to, disrupted, or on occasion overturned the plans of the imperialist powers for their own interests in fact played an important role in shaping the immediate aftermath of the conflict – and in laying the foundations for the troubled Middle East.