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排序方式: 共有94条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
俄罗斯太平洋石油管道与东北亚地缘政治格局   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
俄罗斯通往亚太地区的第一条石油运输管道已于2006年4月开工修建。太平洋石油管道是俄罗斯落实其东方能源外交战略、实施能源外交多元化战略的重要举措,对东北亚地缘政治格局产生了重要影响。  相似文献   
2.
Abstract

This article examines Anna Kavan’s sojourn in New Zealand from February 1941 to November 1942 in the company of the pacifist playwright Ian Hamilton. Living in the most remote of the ex-British colonies reinforced Kavan’s ontological sense of homelessness and wish to disidentify from British society, yet the colony’s anglophone orientation offered familiarity within the strange and alien. The geography, landscapes and communities of its Pacific islands encouraged a reshaping of her imaginative engagement with otherness. Referring to Kavan’s recently published diary, ‘Five Months Further or What I Remember ab[ou]t New Zealand’, the essay argues that the New Zealand ‘experience’ encouraged her use of tropes of the Gothic and uncanny as she grappled with issues of distance, homelessness and disjunctive reality. The discussion focuses on the alternative/parallel world that New Zealand represents in stories published in I Am Lazarus (1945). It identifies experimental techniques associated with Gothic fiction by which Kavan registers the overlapping dualisms of war-torn London and idyllic rural New Zealand, and represents memory through framing devices and defamiliarizing rhetorical tropes as a distancing activity interrupting the present moment: dream sequences, irruptions into and splittings of reality, space and time reversals, doublings of self/other, disjunctive non sequiturs and ghostly mirror imaging.  相似文献   
3.
近年来,全球人口最为集中的亚洲及太平洋地区,人口偷渡和贩卖层出不穷,难民问题日益严重,区域国家间的移民劳工流动日趋频繁。面对纷繁复杂的国际移民问题,亚太国家建立了一些专门性的非正式的移民治理区域磋商机制来应对。亚太移民区域磋商机制目前发挥了一定积极作用,但有效解决亚太地区复杂的移民问题仍任重道远。亚太移民区域磋商机制若不想成为国家的“弃儿”,需要释放潜力,进行更多尝试。  相似文献   
4.
This article explores the early potential of the Framework for Pacific regionalism, a new political process that Pacific nations are using to establish regional development priorities. The emergence of this process is positioned within a context of a desire for a new era of Pacific-led regional development collaboration. The early outcomes of the Framework are outlined and examined. Specifically, the article questions whether it is meeting aspirations for ‘game-changing’ development goals that enjoy greater levels of ‘ownership’ amongst Pacific leaders. It also explores whether the new process canbe seen as evidence of a new era of ‘post-hegemonic’ regionalism in Oceania, characterised by a revitalisation of regional political debate; a rejection of ‘economism’; and the reassertion of indigenous and civil society concerns.  相似文献   
5.
1941年日本在发动太平洋战争的同时,开始对东南亚地区实行贸易统制政策,采取政府出台相关政策、军队和企业具体实施的方针,通过滥发军票等方式,以较低的价格进口东南亚各地的重要资源。日本的贸易统制政策虽然在短期内使日本与东南亚各地之间的贸易急剧增长,但却严重破坏了东南亚各地的产业结构和对外贸易,给东南亚各国造成巨大损失。  相似文献   
6.
Stephanie Lawson 《圆桌》2015,104(2):209-220
Abstract

Of all the island states of the Southwest Pacific, Fiji’s foreign relations have been the most fraught since the advent of independence in the region, due largely to a succession of coups d'état. These have invariably precipitated adverse responses from major partners and aid donors, notably Australia, New Zealand, the United States and the European Union. The last coup in 2006 also unsettled relations in Fiji’s more immediate region, especially among some of its smaller Polynesian neighbours, contributing to Fiji’s unprecedented suspension from the Pacific Islands Forum. This article reviews Fiji’s foreign relations from the time of independence in 1970 through the period of successive coups to the 2014 elections. It also examines Bainimarama’s strategies in extending foreign relations in the broader international sphere as well as issues surrounding the ‘normalisation’ of relations with its traditional partners.  相似文献   
7.
Leaked information, such as WikiLeaks’ Cablegate, constitutes a unique and valuable data source for researchers interested in a wide variety of policy‐oriented topics. Yet political scientists have avoided using leaked information in their research. This article argues that we can and should use leaked information as a data source in scholarly research. First, the methodological, ethical, and legal challenges related to the use of leaked information in research have been considered, concluding that none of these present serious obstacles. Second, how political scientists can use leaked information to generate novel and unique insights concerning political phenomena using a variety of quantitative and qualitative methods have been shown. Specifically, how leaked documents reveal important details concerning the Trans‐Pacific Partnership negotiations, and how leaked diplomatic cables highlight a significant disparity between the U.S. government's public attitude toward traditional knowledge and its private behavior have been demonstrated.  相似文献   
8.
台湾被割让给日本后,原住民一直是日本殖民主义者严酷镇压和杀戮的对象,在被杀戮与反抗的过程中,“蕃人”(原住民)被改造为“高砂族”。由于太平洋侵略战争的需要,日本殖民主义者多次征召原住民组成“高砂义勇队”奔赴南洋各个战场,充当战争的“炮灰”。随着日本的战败,台湾回归中国,这些原住民组成的“高砂义勇队”也便成了历史难以体认的存在,因为他们从被屠戮者转变为受人驱使的杀戮者,这成为了历史的吊诡。历史学者有责任拨开迷障,揭示历史的真相并给予正确的评判。  相似文献   
9.
Abstract

Iterative approaches to development under banners such as ‘thinking and working politically’ and ‘doing development differently’ build upon decades-old commitments to fostering locally led and -owned development. These approaches are increasingly popular with academics and development practitioners. In this paper we argue that outsiders seeking to deliver locally led, politically smart programmes need to either accept that competing priorities, results and values will work to limit the extent of true local ownership, or be sufficiently committed to true local leadership to accept that this may well cut against organisational imperatives. Using the example of the Pacific-based Green Growth Leaders’ Coalition, we discuss how politically tricky partnerships challenge tenets of local leadership and ownership.  相似文献   
10.
Derek McDougall 《圆桌》2018,107(3):279-290
The 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper identifies major themes and recommends preferred strategies in Australia’s engagement with the world. These themes and strategies relate to geopolitics, economics and the ‘new international agenda’; there is also a more specific focus on Australia’s Pacific island neighbours and Timor-Leste. There is a strong emphasis on perceived Australian national interests throughout the document. The geopolitical discussion is primarily ‘realist’; economically the document is pro-globalisation; the discussion of the ‘new international agenda’ involves an Australian-oriented pragmatism; there is an assertion of Australian leadership in the South Pacific. With some minor criticism, Labor has accepted the general direction advocated in the White Paper. The document is thus indicative of the likely future direction of Australian foreign policy. Lack of US response indicates declining US engagement with Australia and the Asia-Pacific or Indo-Pacific region. China, as the other major power highly significant for Australia, has been low-key in its criticisms.  相似文献   
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