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1.
Corporatism has been an influential doctrine in the Slovenian polity since its beginning. After the onset of democratization in the early 1990s, its influence remains strong. Forms of corporatism are embodied in the National Council as the second chamber of parliament, in the chamber system, the system of social partnership and the RTVS (Public Television of Slovenia) Council. It is also present in certain socio-political priorities such as a higher value being placed on partnership over competition, on fairness over human rights, on community over individualism. Social pluralism has always been a part of Slovenian public life. Political pluralism emerged at the end of the 19th century and was never fully developed. There has always been a strong inclination in the political life of Slovenia to organize around interest groups and editorial boards of various publications, a tendency that reveals a plurality of voices but a general unwillingness to fight for political power. It could also be concluded that the development of pluralism in Slovenia relies heavily on corporatism because of the general lack of liberal foundations.  相似文献   
2.
集团理论的重大发展和方法论的突破密切相关。多元主义理论深受行为主义的影响,认为社会结构的变迁促使具有共同利益的群体志愿组建利益集团。而集体行动理论采用理性分析的方法,认为人们在组建利益集团的集体行动过程中将遭遇"志愿失灵"。在多元主义和集体行动理论争论的基础上,动态利益集团形成理论开始关注社会稳定对集团政治的多重影响。  相似文献   
3.
尼采是较早从本体论意义上讨论多元主义立场的价值意义的思想家。他认为,基督教与欧洲传统的形而上学内在地都包含有某种一元论的线性思维,并以此规划、压抑丰富的人性。因此,一元论的思想方式是需要加以反对的。以此为基础,他提出了复合多元主义的构想。当代流行的多元主义思潮虽受到过尼采学说的深刻影响,但在价值旨趣上则与尼采的思想有较大差异。  相似文献   
4.
Baumgartner and Jones (1993) showed how radically new policies emerge on government agendas as a consequence of exogenous shocks to policy subsystems displacing privileged interests. But how do these policies evolve post-punctuation? In this paper, we present three different models of policy change. Policies may revert to the old status quo if displaced interests re-assert themselves, or they may be “locked-in” by new interests now reaping the benefits. Alternatively, they may incrementally change as lawmakers “learn” how to better meet target population needs, particularly by witnessing how other jurisdictions address similar problems. We test these models with data on change in state charter schools laws over time. We find that whether old status quos are overthrow, and the fate of charter policies when they are enacted, is influenced more by competing political interests, especially interest groups, than elite and public perceptions of broad systemic crises. Yet, we also find that changing demands on the state and learning from the successes and failures of neighboring states also play significant roles.  相似文献   
5.
雅斯贝斯的形而上学思想同古代原子论哲学与近代单子论哲学有着渊源关系,它在现代存在论哲学背景下革新了传统的多元论本体论哲学,用关于内在的超越性存在的独特观念来解决超越性存在这一传统哲学的问题。与雅斯贝斯的形而上学思想相配合的,是他关于生存澄明的观念,这种观念从生存哲学角度出发深化了原子论与单子论蕴涵的自我意识观念。  相似文献   
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7.
多民族国家的建构非常复杂,它既需要极具渗透力的制度保证又需各民族对政治权力的共同参与、分配,借以扩大合法性基础及其持续的稳定。民族区域自治的一体性、权力分配性、参与性、合理性有效实现了民族区域自治对自治地区各民族的有效整合。  相似文献   
8.
Intimate relationships involving three or more adults are increasingly visible in American society. Multiparty relationships, which are also known as plural unions, mainly take two different forms: systemic polygyny and polyamory. Family law currently denies recognition to all plural unions. Granting legal recognition to multiparty relationships would advance the goal of family pluralism and expand access to valuable legal protections. However, the possibility of granting official recognition to plural unions must be approached with caution, because systemic polygyny poses a serious risk of harm to women and children arising from the imposition of oppressive gender roles. A possible solution to this dilemma lies in offering a formal nonmarital status (such as civil union, domestic partnership, reciprocal beneficiary, or designated beneficiary) to participants in plural unions. As a result of their differing attitudes toward marriage, polyamorists would be likely to embrace a nonmarital relationship status, while participants in systemic polygyny would most likely reject it. Thus, providing a nonmarital status for plural unions could allow polyamorists to obtain the benefits of relationship recognition, without placing the government's seal of approval on the oppressive aspects of systemic polygyny.  相似文献   
9.
This paper provides an understanding of changing diversity in Burgazadas? within the post-Ottoman, homogenising context of Turkey. It critiques conceptualisations of ‘culture as difference’ within the multiculturalism discourse in Europe and of coexistence as the reduction of differences and identities to pre-existing categories of the Ottoman millet system. Instead, it presents post-Ottoman conviviality as a lived practice and grassroots representation of recognised and unrecognised diversities by contextualising the production of differences and changing discourses of pluralism. The article demonstrates that individuals belonging to different groups can come to share similar values based on longstanding attachment to place and everyday practices, thereby representing themselves, in this case, as ‘Burgazl?’.  相似文献   
10.
传统实证主义和经验主义国际关系理论认为,民族国家是国际舞台的主导,在全球事务中发挥着至关重要的作用。后现代主义在探讨国际结构时,采取多元主义视角,重读了全球体系,认为民族国家已不是国际舞台的唯一重要的行为体,其他行为体如跨国市场经济、普遍利益集团等也在扮演重要的角色。这种全球混合政体理论打破了国家中心观,但没有否定民族国家的存在和影响。  相似文献   
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