什么样的“闹大”成功了?--基于40个案例的定性比较分析

社会中层出不穷的"闹大"是公共治理状况的一面"镜子",也是转型时期政策议程建构的重要路径。本文采用清晰集定性比较分析(csQCA),对2003-2019年发生的40个"闹大"案例进行比较研究。研究结果表明,上级(层)政府支持是"闹大"成功的必要条件。推动"闹大"成功的充分条件组合共有八种,可具体归纳为制度框架使用模式、集体施压模式、专家引导模式和暴力强推模式等四种解释模型。公民"闹大"成功是多个条件组合的结果,在核心条件发挥基础作用的前提下,适当的辅助条件更容易触发政策议程,推动问题解决。文章为公民"闹大"的行动逻辑提供了新的因果解释机制,也为理解形形色色的"闹大"现象提供了新的理论工具。     

Pursuing the allure of combat: an ethnography of violence amongst Iraqi Shi’I combatants fighting ISIS

The social sciences speak of violence through its meaning, performances, manifestations and representations; however, the inner workings of violence are less explored. In order to suggest a different mode of seeing violence, I explore the inner workings of violence through the pleasures of and fun among Shi’i volunteer combatants. I apply Walter Benjamin’s motion of pure means to explain how violence becomes self-referential and non-representational via combat-zone ethnography amongst Iraqi Shi’i militants who fought against ISIS in Iraq. I address the fine line between pleasure and fun in order to highlight the inner workings of violence during combat and to encourage a fresh bottom-up anthropological perspective in assessing the parameters of the persistence and resilience of volunteer combatants. My approach advocates moving beyond recruitment and ideological interpolation by questioning the allure of combat through an ontological framework that includes combatants’ perspectives and narratives.     

论互联网时代诽谤罪的公诉范围

我国刑法对诽谤罪采取自诉为主、公诉为补充的双轨制模式。由于刑法但书“严重危害社会秩序和国家利益”的公诉依据具有模糊性,同时司法解释本身缺乏解释力和可操作性,存在同义解释、近义解释等问题,加剧了公诉诽谤罪和其他罪名之间的冲突和竞合,特别是当被害人为地方领导干部时,诽谤罪的公诉权在实务中存在被滥用风险,部分限制公诉权的要件在实务中被淡化甚至忽略。从相对狭义的角度看,“严重危害社会秩序和国家利益”只有在行为人对侵犯个体法益具备主观故意,但对侵犯社会法益或国家法益不具备主观故意(或无法证明其具备故意)的情形下,才有其独特的法律适用价值并不与刑法其他罪名相冲突。为妥善处理和平衡诽谤犯罪中惩治犯罪和保障人权的关系,适应互联网时代的内外部变化,建议通过修改我国刑法,将诽谤罪区分为情节不严重、情节严重、情节特别严重的三种形态,为充分保障宪法权利,情节不严重的不作为犯罪处罚;为充分保障自诉权,情节严重的为绝对告诉乃论;为依法惩治犯罪,对符合特定形式要件和实质要件,情节特别严重的诽谤犯罪可以依法公诉,以维护网络信息秩序。     

Adding to the Controversy? Civil Society’s Evaluation of the National Conference Dialogue in Yemen

ABSTRACT

This article assembles a picture of Yemen’s 2013–14 National Dialogue Conference (NDC) by collecting perspectives from local civil society organizations (CSOs), which are contrasted to the views of international commentators. Despite all efforts by internal parties as well as the international community, the dialogue failed to avert war, which broke out shortly after. Through interviews with 50 CSOs, we reconstructed the reasons for failure, as well as paying attention to the observed strengths of the dialogue. Half of the consulted organizations were directly involved in the NDC, either as an invited participant or in a brokerage role. The other half concerns outside observers. We identify aspects on which the opinion of the CSOs converge, but also highlight striking divergences depending on insider/outsider status. In contrast to the view espoused in the international literature, the CSOs overall feel that, in spite of all its procedural and substantive flaws, the NDC was a significant junction in the long road towards peace and stability and laid important groundwork for future dialogues.     

‘Let's Win this Game Together’: Children's Rights Violations,Macro‐Securitisation and the Transformative Potential of the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil

Sport's transformative potential is known to support marginalised children, to deal with traumatic experiences and instil positive values; yet hosting mega sporting events (MSEs) can have negative impacts. Drawing on participatory research with favela‐based children during the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, this article argues that MSEs bring a macro‐securitisation of urban life, which causes considerable harm. This paper also suggests that the inclusion of children's voices in advocacy debates can challenge top‐down securitisation and might allow MSEs to foster further positive social transformation. Therefore, juxtaposed with causing harm, macro‐securitisations can open opportunities for children to take action and have their voices heard.     

当代文学转型中的赛伯批评空间——兼谈网络文学的若干特性

上世纪末，以启蒙理性为主导的20世纪中国学，宏观上正经历着向以狂欢精神为主导的新学时期的转型。在这一过程中，网络及网络学的流行具有重要意义。一方面，作为新兴媒体的网络有可能继报纸之后为日益民间化、边缘化的知识分子提供新的“批评空间”；另一方面，网络学既深受狂欢化的当代学影响，同时由于自身的特性，又强化了这种狂欢化倾向。网络及网络学、狂欢化的当代学以及日益民间化了的知识分子，三将会互为表里，互相推动，形成狂欢化学时代的第一个里程碑，从而对未来学创作的形式、内容、格局都将产生深远影响。     

乡镇政府公共品供给能力及其评估指标体系

构建乡镇政府公共品供给能力的评估指标体系,是科学评估乡镇政府公共品供给能力的前提。本文首先界定乡镇政府公共品供给能力的内涵和构成,然后逐一讨论关于构建我国乡镇政府公共品供给能力评估指标体系的原则、目标、指标体系、评估标准和权重等问题,最后构建一个评估乡镇政府公共品供给能力指标体系的总表。     

从国家社科基金立项项目看法学研究状况——一种知识社会学的视角

通过对1993-2004年来国家社会科学基金立项的法学类项目类立项资助项目相关指标的分析,来展现我国目前法学学术生产格局的大致状况及其背后动因;并通过与经济学社科基金立项项目的比较以及对法学类社科基金立项项目在社科基金项目中所占比例等数据的分析,来呈视法学作为一门独立学科在整个人文社会科学界的地位变迁,以及这种变迁背后的权力———知识格局。     

笔迹心理分析与变化笔迹

笔迹心理分析要求书写者必须提供按照平时的书写习惯在正常条件下书写的笔迹 ,笔迹材料是否符合要求决定着笔迹心理分析结果的质量。书写时因书写活动的客观条件发生变化 ,会导致笔迹特征发生种种异常变化。对书写条件变化形成的笔迹进行心理分析时 ,必须剔除其中因条件变化而产生的干扰成分 ,才能对书写者个性心理特点做出可靠的分析结果。     

梁启超：以“政体进化”为特色的中国宪政主义活动家

中国社会由君主专制向建立近代民主国家急速变化的大转折时期,作为近代政治家的梁启超与古代改良派划清了界限,即他将政治变革的希望明确地建立在“国民运动”的身上,这与革命派并无二致。然而与后者不同的是:其思想表现为重“政体理化”而抑“国体革命”,即希望通过“国民运动”,建立起以近代政党制度为主导,和向国会负责的责任内阁;而这种内阁又必须执行“保育政策”,便从经济、政治,乃至文化各领域扶助民力、民智以及参政能力的增长,使整个国家在较为稳定的社会环境中,实现向世界强国的发展。梁启超的思想包含着深刻的革命内容,正因为如此,当袁世凯要实行国体复辟的时候,他便旗帜鲜明地发动了倒袁护国战争。