A New Nationalism for a New Era: The Political Ideology of Mexican Neoliberalism

The structural economic reforms justified by neoliberal ideas that transformed Mexico's statist political economy in the 1980s posed a direct challenge to the nationalism inherited from the revolutionary era that had long served to legitimise the interventions of the social state. This article examines the strategy adopted by the administration of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988–1994) to reconcile the rival ambitions of neoliberalism and nationalism and its reasons for doing so. It does so by examining ideas concerning the state, society and the individual found in writing and speeches published in political organs and the press during this period.     

环境权:一种新兴的现代人权

人权是最基本的权利,环境权来自人权。生存权位于人权的核心,而环境权作为一项基本人权是不可剥夺、不可放弃和替代的权利。如果没有环境权,传统人权体系中的生存权就不可能得到完善的保障。环境权源于生存权,但超越了生存权,因此它是一种新兴的现代人权。     

江苏省猪高热病病例主要继发感染病毒的多重PCR检测

应用建立的2个多重PCR方法,对2005~2006年收集于江苏省的211份猪高热病疑似病料进行了检测。结果,PRRSV阳性率为51.2%,PCV2阳性率为44.1%,CSFV阳性率为10.4%,PPV阳性率为3.9%,PRV阳性率为2.4%。2005年病料中PCV2阳性率为21.2%,2006年为73.2%;2005年PRRSV阳性率为38.1%,2006年为67.7%。2006年猪高热病疫情比2005年严重,PCV2和PRRSV可能在其中发挥了协同致病作用。对10个PRRSV分离株ORF5基因和Nsp2基因进行的测序表明,2006年分离株Nsp2基因中有连续87个碱基的缺失。     

猪瘟病毒荧光RT-PCR快速检测方法的建立

以猪瘟病毒5′端非编码区为靶核酸序列设计引物和探针,建立了一步法荧光RT-PCR检测猪瘟病毒。荧光RT-PCR仅检测出猪瘟C株、T株,未能检测出牛病毒性腹泻病毒(BVDV)、猪呼吸系统冠状病毒、猪传染性胃肠炎病毒、猪细小病毒、伪狂犬病病毒、猪生殖与呼吸综合征病毒、PK-15细胞和牛睾丸原代细胞;对猪瘟病毒T株的扩增反应产物进行了测序分析,与预期序列相符。荧光RT-PCR的检测极限可达到1 TCID50/mL,整个试验流程只需2 h。采用荧光RT-PCR和抗原捕获ELISA同时检测临床病料、猪副产品共207份样本,两种方法的检出率分别为17.4%和13.5%,两者符合率为95.7%(198/207);荧光RT-PCR的检出率高于ELISA,两者差异显著。结果表明,建立的荧光RT-PCR可用于猪产品、临床病料中猪瘟病毒的快速检测。     

经济学的千年论战--论国家主义和自由主义

从古到今世界各国都有两种经济观和两种经济方略:一是主张国家干预经济,是为国家主义;二是主张国家不干预经济,是为自由主义。两种经济方略各有千秋,适用于不同条件。千百年来一直存在国家主义与自由主义的争论。18至19世纪的200年间,自由主义占上风。19世纪末,德国开国家主义之先河。20世纪20至60年代,国家主义盛行了50年;从70年代开始,自由主义东山再起,号称新自由主义。进入21世纪,新自由主义连遭挫折,国家主义有所抬头。两种经济观趋同,百年争论暂告一段落。     

新马克思主义经济学对新自由主义和经济全球化的批判

新马克思主义经济学又称激进经济学,是现代经济学的一个流派.20世纪90年代初,新马克思主义经济学再度复兴,出现了一些新的研究动向.新马克思主义经济学家围绕经济全球化的本质、特点、影响及其同马克思主义的关系等一系列问题,进行了广泛深入的探讨,对新自由主义和经济全球化进行了批评,并从资本主义的全球化危机的角度,论证了资本主义必然被一种新的、更加合理的社会经济发展模式替代的结论.     

马克思主义经典作家权力制约思想及其当代发展

马克思、恩格斯批判地继承了人类社会的文化遗产,科学地提出了自己的权力制约思想;列宁在领导苏维埃俄国的革命和建设中,为避免权力的腐败和滥用,也提出了自己的权力制约思想。在当代中国的现代化进程中,中国共产党几代领导人继承和进一步创新发展了马克思主义经典作家的权力制约思想。在当前新形势下,权力制约的战略构想又有了新的特色。     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.     

Feminism in the Humanitarian Machine. Introduction to the Special Section on ‘The Politics of Intervention Against (Conflict-Related) Sexual and Gender-based Violence’

ABSTRACT

The prevention and mitigation of sexual and gender-based violence in (post-) conflict societies has become an important humanitarian activity. This introductory article examines the analytical discourses on these interventions, the institutionalization of SGBV expertise in international politics, and the emancipatory potential of anti-SGBV practices. It argues that the confluence of feminist professional activism and militarized humanitarian interventionism produced specific international activities against SGBV. As part of the institutionalization of gender themes in international politics, feminist emancipatory claims have been taken up by humanitarian organizations. The normal operating state of the humanitarian machine, however, undercuts its potential contribution to social transformation towards larger gender equality in (post-) conflict societies.     

Labour and the Culture Wars of Modern Politics

Anyone who attempts to understand and reverse the major defeat suffered by Labour in the December 2019 general election needs first to appreciate why comparisons with the defeats of the 1980s are so unhelpful. In 1983 Labour was all but wiped out across southern England, but held on comfortably across the ‘red wall’. By contrast, in 2019 Labour did well in cities and university towns across the south, and appears to have solved its historic problem with the southern, educated middle class. However, this has been at the expense of alienating working class voters across the country, not just in its former industrial heartlands. But this is not inevitable. A reanalysis of testimony from hundreds of interviews with working people across England from the 1940s onwards allows insights into attitudes and values that are often obscured by survey techniques. Crucially, it points to a broad-based vernacular liberalism at odds with the culture wars model of a terminal crisis for social democracy.