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1.
ABSTRACT

Increasingly, a diverse set of policy communities, including those with defence, development and environmental mandates, frame climate change as a security threat. Most often this discursive formation labels climate change as a ‘threat multiplier’. This framing, however, is vague, linear and leaves many questions unanswered regarding how institutions can develop and implement policy that addresses the joint challenges of climate change, conflict and security. Utilising a mixed-methods approach, and grounding data collection in US policy communities, this article examines how policy actors and institutions integrate climate-security discourses into policy processes. The objective of this research is to provide direct insight into how the discourses and technical understandings of climate-security transition into policy priorities and implementation realities. This research identified three common approaches to climate-security: (1) A challenge of adaptation and resilience; (2) A potent political argument; and (3) An issue of limited importance and feasibility. These approaches, however, are inconsistent across sectors and within organisations, suggesting a lack of cohesion and considerable challenges in identifying and responding to climate change as a ‘threat multiplier’.  相似文献   
2.
福柯的系谱学对权力/知识的分析对人-社会科学的研究范式与书写方式产生了深刻影响。教育学实践领域也受其冲击而发生了话语的转换。如果我们从系谱学的角度来反思教育学寻求学科化的历史进程,就会扩大对学科这一概念的理解:作为权力/知识实践方式的学科制度不仅是科学化的标志,也是控制现代生活的策略与技术。因此,对作为一门学科形式存在的教育学知识的寻求未必是适当的或必要的。目前,我们似乎更应该走进学校日常生活,由此迈向具体的教育实践。这或许是教育学走出迷茫之路的一条可能的途径。  相似文献   
3.
"文革"主流文学话语的生成,是对建国初基本话语规范的突破和发展,它经历了萌芽期、萌芽后的阻遏期、萌芽后的发展期以及全面形成和定型期四个阶段.  相似文献   
4.
在西方女性主义思潮的冲击和影响下,当代中国女性的生活发生着不同的变化,女性的自我意识在权力话语的遗留和解构权力话语之间艰难成长、摸索前行.对既成的历史事实并深植于现有的社会结构中的中国女性意识的缺憾和不足进行探讨,对呼唤广泛的女性意识的理性觉醒和在差异中求平等、在开放中求自由的女性主义的到来具有重要意义.  相似文献   
5.
神话话语的神话性,典型地反映了与经验思维完全不同的神话思维模式.对神话话语的传播过程的探讨,是研究人类文明传承机制的重要一环.神话话语的交流或传播,只有放在人类一般交流方式的总体框架内加以考察,才有可能揭示其中的本质规律.  相似文献   
6.
ABSTRACT

The local business elites of El Salvador were generally in favour of the peace agreement and supported its negotiation and implementation in 1992, while in Guatemala the private sector reluctantly supported the peace process and, after the peace agreements were signed in 1996, the private sector sought to obstruct parts of its implementation. In the aftermath of the peace accords, business elites united around an ideology espousing a minimal state and a focus on market solutions to social problems. Although welcoming the security-related measures in the peace accords, business elites have often obstructed transformations towards more inclusive and democratic societies. However, in recent years there has been a change in discourse among influential business associations towards recognition of the need for strong state institutions and the need for institutionalised mechanisms for dialogue to find solutions to social problems. In this article, we seek to shed light on the significance of this discursive turn for continued peace-building.  相似文献   
7.
进城农民工基本话语权的获得   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
要解决农民工社会参与的话语权问题,应该重视这些问题:其一,加速提高进城农民工的受教育程度问题;建立健全农民工权益表达的合理程序与渠道问题;舆论应该为农民工的权益表达创造良好氛围问题.这是农民工获得基本话语权的基础工程.  相似文献   
8.
‘Non-traditional security’ (NTS) is prominently featured in the agenda of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other ASEAN-led institutions in the Asia-Pacific. ‘NTS’ brings together a series transnational and non-military security threats that are considered common among regional states, urgent for them to attend to, and non-sensitive all at the same time. This a priori makes it a self-evident focus of attempts to bring regional security cooperation ‘to a higher plane’. However, this paper reveals that the uncontroversial character of NTS is overestimated, by shedding light on the co-existence of divergent – and potentially contradictory – interpretations of its meaning and implications in ASEAN and the wider region. In a context where ASEAN's relevance to the pursuit of regional security is increasingly being measured against its (in)ability to provide a coherent approach to security challenges that affect the region, the contested nature of NTS has important implications for the grouping's resilience in the twenty-first century.  相似文献   
9.
构建中国特色网络意识形态话语体系是时代发展的必然要求。中国特色网络意识形态话语体系是一个内涵极为丰富的新样态、新概念、新范畴、新范式,理应成为一个严谨的学科概念、学术概念。中国特色社会主义是中国特色网络意识形态话语体系的核心要义、本质特征、独特标志、主要内容。中国特色网络意识形态话语体系本质上就是中国特色社会主义的话语表达体系、思想阐释体系、价值引领体系,具有鲜明的价值观表达、阐释、整合、传承价值。  相似文献   
10.
In feminist research on sexual violence and victimization, the relationship between discourse and experience has often been at the forefront of intense debates. Poststructuralist scholars have emphasized that the discourses used to name sexual violence may in fact perpetuate the very problem they set out to describe, by freezing women into powerless positions of rapability. Others have likened this sort of argument to anti-feminist trivialization of the pervasively gendered experiential reality to which such discourses refer, highlighting that women’s victimization is not a discursive problem. In this article, I seek to carve out a path that cuts through such polarization by exploring the multifaceted dialectical relationship between, on one hand, gendered discourses on sex and sexual violence and, on the other, people’s reported experiences of these phenomena and, in particular, of the “grey area” between sex and sexual violence. I do this by analysing autobiographical stories from the influential Swedish campaign #prataomdet (#talkaboutit), which emphasized the need for a new language that can do justice to people’s experiences of sexual violence and the grey area between sex and sexual violence.  相似文献   
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