Restoring accountability in pretrial release: the Philadelphia pretrial release supervision experiments

As drug arrests and jail overcrowding added pressure to increase pretrial release in localities during the 1980s and 1990s, the need to manage a larger and higher-risk pretrial population of defendants awaiting adjudication in the community became a high priority for justice agencies. In the late 1990s Philadelphia officials sought to discover the ingredients of a successful supervision strategy through four interlinked field experiments to provide an empirical basis for a major reform of the pretrial release system. The results of the linked randomized experiments question common assumptions about “supervision,” its impact and effectiveness, about the underlying nature of the noncompliant defendant, and deterrence implications. The study emphasizes the importance of interpreting the findings in the context of implementation of the policy reform. Findings suggest that facilitative notification strategies wield little influence on defendant behavior and that deterrent aims are undermined by the system's failure to deliver consequences for defendant noncompliance during pretrial release. The most significant contribution of the article is its illustration of a major evidence-based policy reform undertaken by a major court system.     

浅论行政人的价值坐标

在现代社会中,行政人是公共领域的特殊群体,行政人的道德价值以公共利益为依归。因此,行政人应当以公共利益至上作为自己的信仰,自觉地正确对待和有效行使公共权力,以奉献社会为自己的价值目标,做到全心全意为人民服务。     

Partisan Media and Engagement: A Field Experiment in a Newly Liberalized System

How does media exposure affect political engagement in newly liberalized systems? Some celebrate newly vibrant and diverse media, believing that they mobilize citizens. Others worry that these outlets, which are often partisan, dampen engagement. We theorize that exposure to political programming engenders interest in politics irrespective of program bias, but that interest does not necessarily beget action. Partisan media affect participation only when altering attitude strength, and thus motivations. To evaluate media effects on interest and participation, we conducted a field experiment in Ghana, in which subjects in tro-tros (commuter vans) were randomly exposed to different types of live talk radio. We find that partisan and nonpartisan media increased political interest, but not participation. Instead, exposure to alternate perspectives on cross-cutting media (i.e., those biased against subjects’ partisan preferences) heightened ambivalence and dampened participation, measured as signing a petition to parties. Partisan media simultaneously increased interest and decreased participation.     

田径定向越野课程教法初探

田径运动是学校体育教学的重点之一，开展传统田径项目丰富了学校体育文化的建设，提高了学生的体质．但在全面推选素质教育以适应学生个性化发展的要求方面，传统田径项目有许多缺陷。为改革拓展传统田径教学内容和方法．提高田径教学内容的健身性、实用性、趣味性和娱乐性，定向越野课程应机而生。定向越野运动对学生各种能力、综合素质的提高都有很大的促进作用，同时又能充实和丰富学校体育教学内容。定向越野方式方法多样，基本技术较多，是一门崭新的田径课程，开设时间相对较短，认识还不十分充分，在对定向越野课程教法的深入研究基础上提出的理论与实际相结合的五步教学法．对该课程的开展具有一定的指导作用。     

Transnational policy networks in the migration field: a challenge for the European Union

The migration policy field is a multilayered and fragmented area still lacking a strong global and European regime. Nonetheless, different initiatives and fora have been promoted in the last decade to increase the international dialogue on migration, with the active participation of non-state actors, and particularly civil society organisations (CSOs). The article reviews selected initiatives undertaken at the UN and European level, whereby institutional representatives engage with CSOs in furthering migration policies. These initiatives and platforms may constitute transnational policy networks (TPNs). It explores signals towards the consolidation of more structured and ‘hard’ forms of participatory policy-making on migration issues, as well as obstacles present in this engagement dynamic. The key question addressed in this study is whether and how European institutions have engaged with the TPNs in the field of migration. The article also explores how some of the TPNs influence institutional policy-making at the EU level.     

The Effects of Blaming Others for Legislative Inaction on Individual and Collective Evaluations

Legislators commonly blame others for gridlock. We posit that legislators may engage in this type of rhetoric to minimize the individual reputational risks associated with legislative inaction or to boost the relative standing of their party. In a series of six survey experiments, we find that blaming others for inaction undermines voters’ evaluations of individual legislators who engage in this rhetorical strategy. This effect is particularly pronounced among out-partisans and independents. However, blaming rhetoric can also enhance the standing of the blamer’s party relative to the opposing party across all groups (including out-partisans), in large part by undermining the reputations of these other actors. Ultimately, we show that when an individual legislator engages in blaming rhetoric, the immediate net electoral effects are null. This suggests that coordinated efforts by a party to blame opponents may improve the party’s relative standing, while imposing few costs on those engaged in blaming.     

Roads of change: political transition and state formation in Nepal’s agrarian districts

This paper explores the political field that has opened up in the wake of the recent civil war in Nepal. We focus on cultural-political developments in agrarian districts, where some of the most intriguing openings, and indeed the most pernicious closures, can be witnessed (as opposed to the national-state restructuring that commands more media and popular attention). Our research asks what spaces open up in the emerging political field at the district scale to entrench or transform dominant cultural codes and sedimented histories of socio-economic inequality. Preliminary research identifies specific sectors of local governance that have emerged as significant sites of struggle over the shape and meaning of ‘democracy’, namely forest management and infrastructure development. The primary contribution of the paper lies in specifying an analytical approach to the study of ‘post-conflict’ governance at the local scale via three conceptual terrains of inquiry – governance and planning, political subjectivity, and cultural politics. The ultimate objective is to develop a framework for assessing the conditions of possibility for a democratic restructuring of economy and society to accompany the official political institutions of liberal democracy.     

The moment you decide,you divide: How politicians assess procedural fairness

Are politicians more rational decision makers than citizens? This article contributes to the ongoing debate by examining how politicians and citizens assess the fairness of the process leading to a controversial policy decision. It contains theories as to why it is tempting to match the favourability of policy decision with a fairness assessment of the preceding process, and how politicians and citizens differ in their approach to the task. Having derived three hypotheses, parallel scenario experiments are run in large samples of Swedish politicians and citizens, in which the outcome and fairness of a policy decision process are manipulated. As predicted, it is found that both politicians and citizens match the favourability of the decision with the assessment of the process, that these self-serving biases are stronger among politicians, and that policy engagement accounts for the group-level difference.     

“被迫”与“自愿”：民办教育企业课程咨询员加班现象研究 —— 基于对 T 市 DN 公司的田野调查

随着经济的快速发展,白领群体因频繁加班导致的"过劳死""抑郁症"现象层出不穷,白领群体的"加班"已经成为当前职场中的常见现象。近些年又出现了"无薪加班""自愿加班"等一些新的加班现象,极大地影响了白领群体的生活质量甚至身体健康,因此受到了学术界的广泛关注。其中,"民办教育机构课程咨询员"的自愿加班不容忽视。调查发现,种种"自愿加班"背后其实隐藏着难言的"被迫手段"。研究选取T市一家大型民办IT教育机构的课程咨询员作为调研对象,利用布洛维的"赶工游戏理论"和戈夫曼的"拟剧理论",同时引入"关怀文化"的概念对加班的维持方式进行探索。研究得到三个结论:1.民营企业管理者在制定"游戏规则"时,"后台规则"是导致加班的根本原因;2."关怀文化"是缓解两种规则冲突的调和手段;3."自愿加班"现象虽然看似是员工极具奉献精神的体现,但实际上背后是由一整套制度逻辑所"推动"的。