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1.
Turkey is often perceived as a transit place for migrants and refugees from the African continent. While many indeed continue to other countries and the country still precludes official local integration, the past decade has witnessed a growing number of African migrants settling in Istanbul. This article draws attention to the opportunity structures that enable this type of settlement. The article presents the argument that it is the presence of small-scale transnationally embedded traders from the same countries that enable the socio-economic stability of their co-nationals both locally as well as transnationally. The concept that is able to account for this development is establishment in situ and establishment in mobility, which is seen as exactly the definitional barrier between transit and settlement.  相似文献   
2.
This study sought to learn from Latino immigrant parents which and how state-level immigration policies impact their families. Fifty-four Latino immigrant parents participated in interviews. Constructivist grounded theory methods were used to complete the analysis. Results indicate that fear of detainment, deportation, and family separation affects participants emotionally and behaviorally. Participants experience exploitive practices in the workplace and through traffic infractions. Social support networks are constantly changing and weakened when families relocate in search of immigrant friendly communities. Simultaneously, parents develop strategies to protect their families against stringent immigration enforcement. Implications for practice, policy, and research are discussed.  相似文献   
3.
日本的外国移民管理机制比较完善,形成了以《出入境管理及难民认定法》和《住民基本台账法》等法律为基础的法律法规体系和以法务省、外务省、厚生劳动省等部门为核心的行政管理体系。日本在外国移民管理方面经验丰富,一些做法值得中国借鉴。  相似文献   
4.
治安调解制度本身的内在悖论使这一制度在立法上和实施上存在诸多缺陷,其正当性也屡受学界质疑。从行为主义法学的视角及经验研究出发,可知不同的社会群体对纠纷解决渠道的选择偏好也呈现多元性,公民需求正是治安调解正当性的基石。回应公民需求的治安调解应变更警察的治安调解权力为公民权利,以此为基础重塑治安调解的法律效力,并建立警察治安调解的内部考核机制,以保障治安调解的良好实施。  相似文献   
5.
刘丽 《法律科学》2011,(3):17-22
福利法治国在西方的产生与发展,既有深刻的历史根源、社会背景和经济动因,又是各种社会思潮、政治经济学说的兴起与争鸣所致;既有战争及偶然性因素的推动,又是市场经济发展到一定阶段的必然结果;既受国际关系和世界格局变化的影响,又经各国具体情况、文化传统等个性因素的塑造。其中,不容忽视的是,市场失灵是福利国产生的社会背景,建构论理性主义是福利国产生的知识困境,而民主的悖论则是其发生的制度原因。上述综合因素长期发酵、整合的结果导致了现代福利国家如牛负重、危机四伏。  相似文献   
6.
This is the beginning of an exploration of before as the thesis ‘before’ (temporally) and ‘be-fore’ (spatially) difference. Before denotes the origin and the desired destination. Before (in the double sense of ‘before’ and ‚be-in-the-fore’) opens up a space of pre-difference, of origin and of forgotten memory, as well as a space of desire, objective, illusion of teleology, unity, completion. Applied to the two domains of Human Rights and Sex/Gender, the space of ‘before’ yields two slightly different vistas: in human rights, a premodern, functionally undifferentiated society which had to invent human rights as its safeguards of functional differentiation. In Sex/Gender, ‘before’ brings a self-referential construction: that of ipseity, as the form of identity beyond comparison that does not play with id but with ipsum. Ipseity is inoperable but not useless. It is inoperable because it cannot be observed from anywhere without suffering rupture. It is not useless because it offers a ground for the reconceptualisation of difference, both through awe and desire.  相似文献   
7.
公安影视文学作品由于其题材的特殊性,要求更加注重社会效益与舆论导向,因此有必要对公安影视文学创作中存在的悖论等问题引起重视,通过研究分析,把握问题脉络,并提出有效的应对措施,寻求最佳的解决方法与策略。  相似文献   
8.
Recent survey research has revealed a ‘devolution paradox’: some citizens who favour stronger regional governments inconsistently desire policy uniformity across regions and state-wide intervention in policy provision. It is argued and empirically shown that preferences for regional authority can be broken down into preferences for self-rule – that is, for autonomy for the region – and for shared rule – that is, for collaboration between regional and national governments. Drawing upon the International Constitutional Values Survey, which includes 4,930 respondents from 142 regions in eight countries, it is also shown that preferences for self-rule and shared rule have different impacts. Preferences for self-rule translate into a preference for regional reform that strengthens regional autonomy, whereas preferences for shared rule drive preferences for fiscal transfers from richer to poorer regions. These results are important because they can explain why citizens who are in favour of more regional authority may support an apparently ‘paradoxical’ set of policy outcomes.  相似文献   
9.
Barthélémy et al. (2014), extending the work of Neubauer and Zeitlin (2003), show that some U.S. presidential elections are subject to a ‘House size effect’ in that the winner of the election, i.e., the candidate who wins a majority of electoral votes, depends on the size of the House of Representatives. The conditions for the effect relate to the number of ‘Senate’ versus ‘House’ electoral votes won by each candidate, but the relationship is not straightforward due to ‘locally chaotic’ effects in the apportionment of House seats among the states as House size changes. Clearly a Presidential election that is subject to the House size effect exhibits the referendum paradox, i.e., the electoral vote winner is the popular vote loser, for some House sizes but not for others.  相似文献   
10.
路遥笔下的高加林作为“城乡交叉地带”的知识分子典型,至今仍散发着特殊的时代魅力。高加林身在农村、心在城市的存在特征使他成为一代农村知识青年的代表,他在爱情方面的遭遇也是当时的突出问题。通过对高加林的心理欲望以及与刘巧珍、黄亚萍的情感纠葛进行解读,可以发现高加林在刘巧珍和董亚萍之间遭遇的取舍难定、藕断丝连的“红玫瑰与白玫瑰”悖论。  相似文献   
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