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1.
Empirical findings indicate that many adult sexual offenders experienced sexual abuse during childhood. It has been suggested that characteristics of offenders' sexual perpetrating behaviors may resemble their own victimization experiences, although there has been minimal empirical investigation in this area. The purpose of the present study was to provide preliminary data on the relationship between childhood sexual abuse and characteristics of sexual offending behavior. A sample of adult male sexual offenders with histories of sexual abuse completed the Sexual Victimization Survey as well as a measure on their sexual offenses. Such characteristics as the nature of sexual activities, duration and frequency of experiences, and age and relationship of participants were examined. Results showed trends in the hypothesized direction and revealed a variety of similarities between childhood sexual abuse and adult sexual perpetration. Findings of this exploratory study suggest the importance of addressing the nature of victimization in the treatment of sexually abused boys and offenders with histories of sexual abuse. 相似文献
2.
本文主要对洗钱罪主体的争议问题作了论述,提出了洗钱罪的主体应当包括上游犯罪行为人,并从刑法理论、刑事司法实践、世界刑事立法现状及趋势以及国际刑事司法合作的角度进行了较为详尽的论述。 相似文献
3.
美国社区矫正体制的中间制裁制度始兴于20世纪80年代,是一种惩罚程度介于监狱监禁和传统的缓刑、假释之间的社区化行刑方式。作为社区矫正罪犯数量增加和社区公共安全保障的妥协产物,具有一定惩罚性的中间制裁主要包括严密的缓刑和假释监督、住宅禁闭与电子监控、军训式矫正中心、日报告中心、返回社区训练所、日罚金和社区服务等类型,以分层控制体系实现保障社区安全和改造罪犯的双重目的。各种制裁措施的适用依据是罪犯的罪行严重程度、矫治和服务需要。中间制裁的应用取得了一定成效,但也引发了一些问题。 相似文献
4.
宋雅芳 《甘肃政法学院学报》2006,(4):72-75
行政诉讼的被告资格一直是困扰行政法理论界和实务界的一个难题,笔者认为造成这种困境的主要原因是学术界错误地把行政主体资格作为认定行政诉讼被告的条件。事实上,从便于诉讼的角度出发,行政诉讼被告的认定规则完全可以简单化。值此我国《行政诉讼法》修改之际,参照世界各国行政诉讼的被告资格制度,重构我国行政诉讼被告资格范式,对于正确发挥行政诉讼的应有功效,理顺行政组织法研究体系具有重要的意义。 相似文献
5.
韩磊 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2002,(1):56-58
在走私犯罪案件侦查中经常会遇到犯罪嫌疑人逃跑或查缉运载走私货物车辆的情况,如何迅速抓获逃跑的犯罪嫌疑人和缉获私货与正确实施追缉堵截这一紧急性侦查措施是紧密联系在一起的。在抓捕逃跑的走私犯罪嫌疑人和截获运载私货的车辆时,这两种方法结合使用,可形成前堵后追,前后夹击的格局,便于迅速抓获走私犯罪嫌疑人和截获运载私货的车辆。 相似文献
6.
7.
知识产权犯罪人实证研究 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
杜永浩 《江苏警官学院学报》2003,18(4):38-41
知识产权犯罪人是指实施了侵犯他人知识产权的违法犯罪行为 ,应当被采取预防和矫治措施的人 ,既包括自然人 ,也包括单位。知识产权犯罪人与知识产权被害人之间具有互动关系。知识产权权利人应有针对性地防范知识产权犯罪。 相似文献
8.
Moch Faisal Karim 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(8):1554-1570
AbstractThis article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation. 相似文献
9.
Unexpected Persistence Amidst Enlargement Stasis: Usages of Europe in Turkey’s Nuclear Energy Debate
Recent studies on European Union (EU) Enlargement have emphasised the importance of usages of ‘Europe’ by domestic actors as a necessary condition for the EU to have an impact on domestic politics. We study the usages of Europe in the critical case of Turkey’s nuclear energy policy. We analyse the narratives and actions of domestic actors in Turkey to identify if they use ‘Europe’ (the EU and the idea of Europe). We reach the counter-intuitive finding of usages by both state and non-state actors, which illustrates that usages of Europe can persist despite enlargement stasis in candidate states. 相似文献
10.
Frederick Golooba-Mutebi 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2017,55(1):22-40
Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt. 相似文献