Two strategies for building a personal vote: Personalized representation in the UK and Denmark

Across parliamentary democracies, elected representatives constitute the link between citizens and government. MPs can connect with voters via the party label, or through personalized forms of representation, which is seen to be increasing in importance. However, scholars disagree on what explains variation in MPs' use of personalized representation strategies. In this article, we argue that politicians use different strategies to personalize the link between themselves and citizens: a constituency-oriented and a person-oriented strategy. To test our argument, we develop a new and novel dataset with behavioral measures of personalized representation. Using a content analyses of 698 British and Danish MPs’ personal websites, we demonstrate that the use of personalization strategies is conditional on the incentives MPs face in terms of electoral insecurity, candidate selection procedures, and the electoral context of the system. Our findings show that the level and type of personalized politics vary across political systems and may pose different types of challenges to party democracies.     

“A Mom First and a Candidate Second”: Gender Differences in Candidates' Self-Presentation of Family

Parenthood carries different consequences for men and women in politics. While the conventional wisdom is that motherhood is a liability for women candidates and fatherhood an asset for men, recent elections have called this idea into question. Specifically, Sarah Palin's candidacy and her cadre of “Mama Grizzlies” suggest that there may be times when motherhood can be an asset. We analyze how men and women present their families to voters by examining the campaign websites of congressional contenders in 2008 and 2010. The results indicate that despite the proliferation of mother candidates, women still tend to de-emphasize their children compared to their male colleagues, who are more likely to showcase their families, most notably in pictures. Moreover, we find that other factors like parental status, age of children, party, chamber, incumbency, and opponent gender also affect differences in candidates' propensity to use their families in campaigns.     

新闻网站可持续发展的盈利模式探讨

针对我国新闻网站普遍面临的有社会效益而无经济效益的生存困境,文章提出了我国新闻网站可持续发展的六大盈利模式,并分析了各自的利弊,提出了相应可持续发展的策略。     

Migrant life stories and the Web: the experience of having your life story made public

The life stories of migrants are increasingly being told, as part of the work of cultural organizations, and websites are well suited to making such life story projects accessible to the public. However, by using the lives of real people as raw material in a public forum, Web projects raise important questions about the terms on which participants are given a voice. This article focuses on a Danish website which depicts the life stories of migrant men through written texts, audio clips, and photographs. It presents a detailed analysis of the life story of one young man from a Muslim background who has openly declared himself an atheist. The article examines his experience of having this somewhat sensitive story made public. The religious aspect inevitably positioned his story in relation to broader political debates about Muslims in Denmark. Since migrants' stories often touch on highly politicized issues, it is crucial that their stories are not co-opted by societal discourses which they do not themselves support.     

中国农村女性形象的重构及其对策——以互联网新媒介为视阈

信息科技的飞速发展使互联网正以日渐强势的姿态呈现在大众面前,媒介传播的性别失衡也引发了学界的探究并催生了一批女性网站的崛起,但是在中国女性构成中占绝对比例的农村妇女却鲜从互联网环境中受益。因此,从中国农村女性的角色变迁、国内女性网站的发展现状出发。探析互联网作为新媒介重构中国农村女性形象的可能性及对策,无疑具有十分重要的意义。     

Passage to cyberactivism: how dynamics of activism change

The boost to activism to which the internet has largely contributed has been underlined by financial and image issues growing from hacker attacks and the online promotion of activist groups. Emergency corporate counteractions with regard to these cyber threats have not analysed this new phenomenon. The state of the research in this area has consistently remained at the period before the development and widespread use of the internet. Cyberactivism, therefore, is a cyber phenomenon without a clear meaning or a clear definition. In order to understand cyberactivism, it is important to understand that it is much more than simply about hacking and activists' online promotion. It is a new phenomenon, growing out of activism but changing the pressure on corporations. With the internet, new dynamics of issue selection have been established and a different aggregation within groups has taken place. A new organisational set‐up among activist groups puts new pressure on corporations, which must develop new strategies concerning online rules. Cyber actions are originated by individuals triggering a spontaneous relationship between many users. The pressure is no longer the result of a long aggregation into association, but of an immediate and spontaneous network of relationships. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

试论主题知识网站的建设和应用

充分利用校园网资源,改变教师教学生学的传统教学模式,在师生之间建立一个互动的教学平台。结合本校教学特点建设自己的主题知识网站,制作出内容丰富,界面形象,利于浏览,便于参与交互的网络页面,使教学资源实现共享,形成网络环境下教与学的新模式。从网站界定、智慧资源、网站建设及完善创新等方面进行阐述。     

Fostering Dialogue or Monologue? Estonian Party Websites During the 2009 European Parliament Elections

This paper presents data from the analyses of political party web pages during the 2009 European Parliament elections in Estonia. It examines the presence and absence of web 2.0 features on the sites and aims to find out whether interactivity-based applications are used by parties to increase participation and to foster deliberative politics. Estonia as a small ex-Soviet country has emerged after the Soviet Union collapse as one of the most advanced e-societies in the world. Therefore, Estonia is chosen as a case study to explore whether and how decision makers use web 2.0 elements for fostering Habermasian dialogue between the citizens and the power holders in the society where technical obstacles for deliberative politics do not exist any longer. The results show that the Estonian parties still focus on the one-sided or top-down model of communication, based on web 1.0 features, even though all conditions for deliberation from the technical and infrastructural side in Estonia are fulfilled. The paper concludes with a discussion on the possible reasons parties might not be interested in using web 2.0 elements in their web campaign and how it might be linked to the conditions where citizens’ participation and interest in politics is low. There is also emphasis on the need for further systematic comparative research in order to draw conclusions on the changes in the online campaigning and political communication process in the era of cyber-democracy.     

An Evaluation Analysis of E-government Development by Local Authorities in Australia

Local governments play an important role in moving forward towards the vision of a connected and responsive e-government. This research develops a set of evaluation criteria for evaluating local council's websites. By examining the current status of the local government websites, this research provides an overview of the level of sophistication of the e-local government development in Australia. The local governments in Australia have not developed truly sophisticated e-government services. The majority of the local government websites are primarily informational and they provide one way communication of information from government to citizens.

To identify the factors affecting the level of sophistication of local council's websites, a single case study approach is employed in this research. Top leadership support and management capacity and organisational and technical challenges are considered important for e-government development. User-centric website design and bridging the digital divide also play a role in the successful implementation of e-government.     

The Internet,alternative public sphere and political dynamism: Korea's non-gaek * (polemist ) websites

Abstract

This paper explores the development of Korea's online alternative public sphere and illuminates the characteristics of this space, ‘activated’ by non-gaek websites. These websites host highly partisan discourses which are produced and disseminated by a focused political agenda that aims at political reform. Such a method of conducting discourse has led to the dissimilitude of the alternative public sphere, resulting in the birth of a multiplicity of spheres that represent divergent political views. This paper argues that although the overall extent of the alternative public sphere is expanded by non-gaek websites, it is becoming at the same time an exclusive and intolerant space. Furthermore, it is argued that to facilitate functional operation of the alternative public sphere, an institutionalization of rules and norms that can solve such problems is necessary.