我国侦、控、审关系的五大误区及校正

通过比较研究与理论剖析,关于我国的侦、控、审关系,我们发现存在着五大误区应予校正:侦、审之间应该是二元化的配合制约关系而非互相配合制约关系或无关系,侦、控之间应该是配合关系而非制约关系,控、审之间应该是制约关系而非配合关系,整体结构应以审判为中心而非侦查为中心,应该是共时性的诉讼结构而非历时性的工序结构。     

民主治理与民主巩固——东南亚国家的政治发展困境

东南亚国家独立初期"民主试验"的失败及现阶段民主制度的"危机"和民主制度本身并没有本质的、必然的联系,民主制的发展困境是由于与民主制度相适应的民主治理方式未能有效建立,治理方式不能与民主体制相适应造成的。从"统治"到"治理"不仅是一种范式的变迁,也是国家治理方式的转换。未来东南亚国家的民主巩固进程将是一个艰巨的"双重民主化"进程即实现政治体制和管理方式的双重转型。     

起诉便宜主义相关问题评析

起诉便宜主义在当事人主义及职权主义诉讼结构的国家都已有广泛运用并出现了发展新趋势。我国应扩大起诉便宜主义运用的范围。起诉便宜主义是审判中心主义得以确立的前提。起诉便宜主义与“检警一体化”是不相容的 ,并集中反映了检察官的裁判职能。     

毛泽东对党的建设的伟大贡献

党的建设是一个伟大的历史过程，要推进党的建设新的伟大工程，必须对八十多年来党的建设的理论与实践进行认真的研究。而研究毛泽东对党的建设的伟大贡献对于加强和改进党的建设仍具有深远的意义。毛泽东对党的建设的伟大贡献主要表现在：着重从思想上、政治上和组织上建党，党的建设要与党的政治路线相联系，民主集中制是党的组织原则，要毫不动摇地坚持党的领导权，走群众路线。     

论陈云对新时期党建理论的贡献

陈云十分重视党的建设。在改革开放和现代化建设的新时期,他深刻分析我党建设的现状和存在的问题,总结历史和现实的经验教训,在思想建设、组织建设、作风建设和政治生活上提出了一些真知灼见,对我党的建设和发展以及我国社会主义现代化建设作出了贡献。     

Continuing Revolt of the Urban Chinese Voters: The Case of Kepong

Abstract

Since the 2008 Malaysian general election the Chinese vote has swung overwhelmingly to the opposition, and this trend has continued in the 2013 general election. When announcing the results of the 2013 general election, Prime Minister Najib labelled it as a ‘Chinese tsunami’. Taking the case of Kepong, this article attempts to explain the reasons for the urban Chinese voters’ continuing support for the Democratic Action Party.     

我国公司治理模式的选择——以股东中心主义为目标

对实践中的英美公司治理模式和德日公司治理模式进行详尽的对比,指出它们的理论基础分别是股东中心主义和利益相关者利益平衡主义,有其各自的经济、文化背景;对照我国新兴加转型的社会现实,主张我国公司治理应以股东中心主义为理论基础,并以此对新公司法的创新与不足进行评议。     

新民主主义革命时期根据地监所制度的建立与发展简介

我国新民主主义革命时期根据地监所的建立和发展 ,是指从 1 92 7年 4月至1 94 9年 1 0月新中国成立 2 0多年来革命根据地人民民主政权看守所和监狱的建立与发展。这一时期监所制度的发展可分为以下三个阶段 :一、第二次国内革命战争时期为开创阶段 ,创建了革命政权的监所 ,提出了用共产主义思想和生产劳动对犯人进行教育、感化和改造的狱政思想 ,确立了革命根据地新型监所制度建设的方向。二、抗日战争时期为建设阶段 ,在不断总结监所工作实践经验的基础上 ,逐步形成了新民主主义的狱政思想和狱政方针以及革命监所体系。三、解放战争时期是发展阶段 ,在继承和发扬抗日根据地狱政建设经验的基础上 ,有了两次大的发展 ,使民主政权监所制度的建设向着系统化、正规化方向迈进。     

Negotiating normative premises in democracy promotion: Venezuela and the Inter-American Democratic Charter

ABSTRACT

This article analyses negotiations on democracy promotion by looking at the case of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. It argues that Venezuela contested the concept of representative democracy during the Charter negotiations, advancing the notion of “participatory and protagonist democracy” and that, even if it was unsuccessful in its demands, the country contributed to deepening the debate on the concept of democracy, on which there is far from worldwide consensus. The article suggests that the main drivers of the negotiation process and the final agreement were domestic political changes in Venezuela, specific features of the negotiations, and the structural position of Venezuela in the field of democracy promotion in the global and regional contexts, which were, at the time, favourable to a compromising attitude to conclusion of the Charter, even if not to the concept of democracy.     

The Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme at the university of South Africa: Is this the right path towards African solutions?

There have been a number of initiatives in Africa to rid the Continent of political instability, conflict, poverty and disease. Many have argued that aid from the West has helped Africa in many ways—from stopping wars, to food relief and rescuing the African environment. Yet others have slated Western involvement which they contend, frequently leaves Africans dependant rather than capable of solving their own problems. In line with the pan-Africanist and the African Union (AU) ideals, there is now a realisation by Africans that there is a need to find African solutions to African challenges and problems. This review article explores the University of South Africa’s (Unisa’s) Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme, by looking at its objectives and the reason why it must be labelled a Programme, its mandate, which is in line with the brief of the AU and pan-Africanist ideals. The article focuses on how Unisa’s programme responds to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG); and how it has attempted to facilitate knowledge for peace in Africa, through empowering electoral officials from various African states. The article concludes by looking at the successes and limitations of the Programme over a five-year period, from its inception in 2011.