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1.
论消除权利贫困与构建和谐社会   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
刘国 《河北法学》2007,25(9):43-48
构建和谐社会必须消除不和谐现象,权利贫困是造成社会不和谐的本源性因素,许多不和谐现象都是由权利贫困引起的.权利贫困与和谐社会之间存在着彼此消长的关系,消除权利贫困是构建和谐社会的根本途径,构建和谐社会是消除权利贫困的有效措施.消除权利贫困对于构建和谐社会具有重大的现实意义,符合和谐社会的公平正义特征.全面提高社会生活的民主化程度和普遍提升公众的权利意识,是消除权利贫困的根本性对策.  相似文献   
2.
当前的全球化需要理性的约束和调整,因而国际法治具有重要的意义。国际法治分为“国际良法”和“全球善治”两个方面,但是当代国际法还远没有达到这两个标准,存在着国际法不成体系、规避国际法、司法体制的选择性、国际立法的导向性、国际行政机关的弊病等多方面的问题。但是人类的目前状态意味着有必要在当前的体系上进行改革和发展,向国际法治的真正实现作出努力。  相似文献   
3.
The paper argues that given the diversity of the field of forcedmigration, research requires a multi-disciplinary approach andan awareness of the multiplicity of interacting factors whichcome into play. It examines two key texts published 20 yearsapart which exemplify the linkages approach. Imposing Aid (1986)studied the developing situation in Sudan as refugees arrivedfrom Uganda in the early 1980s, and showed the unproductivenature of interactions between officials and refugees. Landscapeof Hope and Despair (2005) examined the situation of Palestiniansin refugee camps, where the refugees’ own agency comesup against the structural constraints of camp administrationand the political actions of local and international power holders.  相似文献   
4.
全球化进程中的政治教育   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
全球化趋势使人类日益结成为一利益共同体,要求人类树立全球意识,要求学校政治教育培养学生的全球意识。虽然全球化进程使人类的共同利益日益增加,但国家、民族仍然是构成人类的基本单位,国家利益仍然存在,因而进行爱国主义教育在当代仍有存在的必然性和合理性。学校政治教育既引导学生认识全人类共同利益和国家利益的统一性,又应引导学生把握全球化时代国家主权的新特点。在全球化进程中,民族问题更加尖锐和复杂,在这种情况下,人们应正确认识和处理民族问题,学校应对新一代进行正确的民族观教育。  相似文献   
5.
The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.  相似文献   
6.
伍穗龙  陈子雷 《国际展望》2021,(3):58-75,154,155
2020年7月生效的《美国—墨西哥—加拿大协定》在投资争端解决机制上一改《北美自由贸易协定》下偏重对投资者权利保护的“新自由主义”精神,回归对国家规制权能的重视。在适用对象、适用争议、适用程序上作出变化与革新。全球价值链收缩及“慢球化”、投资争端解决机制的内在合法性危机以及对东道国规制权力的削弱,是国际投资争端解决机制发生变化的深层次经济、法律与政治动因。《美国—墨西哥—加拿大协定》投资争端解决机制的变化与革新将进一步推动“卡尔沃主义”的回归以及加剧国际投资法体制内部的碎片化趋势。中国应积极支持及推进投资争端解决机制改革,使其发挥正面作用,同时辩证吸收“卡尔沃主义”的合理因素,积极探索诸如前置协商、投诉与帮助以及调解等解决投资者与东道国之间投资争议的多元渠道。  相似文献   
7.
杨建军 《法律科学》2013,31(1):3-14
中国司法在实现现代化的进程中,存在着“本土化”与“普适化”碰撞和平衡的难题与困境.政治制度的复杂多样性、司法文化传统、国情、大国崛起的使命、政治主体的自决性等多元因素,决定了中国司法应当保持自身特色.与世界通行司法规律兼容,体现高效、便捷,满足民众实质正义的心理期待,维护社会稳定,捍卫国家主权,推进法治国家建设目标的实现,是中国司法应当具有的特色.合理平衡和协调政治化的司法与技术化的司法、专业化的司法与大众化的司法、克制化的司法与能动化的司法,是打造司法的中国特色的重要路径.  相似文献   
8.
Corruption remains one of the key obstacles to democratization and good governance. Given the nature of the subject, corruption is notoriously difficult to study. International comparisons and rankings of good governance such as the World Bank World Governance Indicators, the Bertelsmann Sustainable Governance Index, or Transparency International's Global Corruption Index are very useful for providing the big picture on corruption. To understand trends and mechanisms of corruption, however, it is necessary to conduct case studies on both successful and failed cases of anti-corruption policies. This paper investigates the successes and challenges of the fight against corruption in South Korea since the beginning of democratization in 1987. The investigation shows that Korea has generally been successful in controlling corruption. The paper argues that the remaining problems can be largely explained by the legacy of authoritarian rule and the undermining of state autonomy through the concentration of economic power.  相似文献   
9.
Different from the perspective of traditional national security, human security is an essential component of non-traditional security. Human security is influenced by multi-dimensional factors. Human security will be threatened if one or more of these dimensional factors get twisted. Such threats, once accumulated to a certain level, may trigger a confl ict. While some factors may have a low correlation with confl ict, some other factors may have a multiplying effect in triggering the confl ict. Further, confl ict may be triggered by a single factor or multiple factors. Poor governance may lead to escalation of confl icts. Deep understanding of triggering effects and their correlation with confl icts is essential to addressing the root causes and the management of conflicts effectively. Concepts of human security, state responsibility of protection and neo-interventionism have been developed in succession. Though the people-centered security framework draws global attention, it should be recognized that there is no international consensus on an optimal type of governance. However, according to the Charter of the United Nations, the primary responsibilities of human security protection should be rested on the government of a state. The principle of sovereignty remains the fundamental principle of international relations, which should be the guiding principle for addressing human security issues.  相似文献   
10.
Following the collapse of empires and the subsequent founding of self-determined nation-states, East Central Europe experienced a turning point after World War I. The new states had to transform themselves from branches of a multi-ethnic empire to independent nation-states, as well as from a system of monarchy to democracy at the same time. We argue that one cannot really understand why democracy failed in almost all East Central European states after World War I if one does not take into account the extreme challenges of this “double transformation” consisting of the interactions of the two tightly interwoven processes of nation formation and democratization. Therefore, we deem it necessary to develop a broader research program that addresses the complex interlacement of these two fundamental transformations of politics and society.  相似文献   
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