Crisis intervention team officer dispatch, assessment, and disposition: Interactions with individuals with severe mental illness

The Crisis Intervention Team (CIT) model is a specialized police response program for people in a mental illness crisis. We analyzed 2174 CIT officers' reports from one community, which were completed during a five year period. These officers' reports described interactions with people presumed to be in a mental illness crisis. We used hierarchical logistic and multinomial regression analyses to compare transport to treatment to either transport to jail or no transport by how the calls were dispatched. The results revealed that both dispatch codes and officers' on-scene assessments influenced transport decisions. Specifically, calls dispatched as suspected suicide were more likely to be transported to treatment than calls dispatched as mental disturbance. Furthermore, calls dispatched as calls for assistance, disturbance, suspicious person, assault, suspicion of a crime, and to meet a citizen were all less likely than mental disturbance calls to result in transportation to treatment. Officer assessments of the use of substances, being off medications, signs and symptoms of mental or physical illness, and violence to self or others were associated with the likelihood of being transported to treatment. These results build on previous work that demonstrated differences in transport decisions between CIT trained and non-CIT trained officers.     

公安基层处置重点疑难信访件初探

公安基层重点疑难信访件是一些难度大,处置起来极为棘手的信访件,它具有复杂性、长期性、广泛性以及个体与群体相结合的特征,受到上访主体、基层公安自身工作状态、相关法律政策性因素的制约,因此.在具体处理中,要加强分析,加强与具体公安工作业务、公安重大节点工作等方面的结合,注意政策的平衡性和连续性,以民为本,努力实践“三个代表”的要求。     

信访法治化的困境与出路

信访法治化是我国信访制度发展的必然趋势。当前，信访表达渠道的高层级化、表现形式的非理性化、解决机制的非终结化、解决形式的“批条”化，表明我国信访法治化的进程尚处于立法虚置化的困境之中，而这主要是由于我国公民对信访的依赖情结、信访权本身的复杂性以及现有的信访考核机制所致。要摆脱我国目前信访法治化面临的困境，必须在法治框架内建立畅通的信访渠道、科学的信访分类管理制度、有效的信访终结制度，最终还必须依赖于权力和权利的依法行使。     

MANAGING CITIZEN CALLS TO THE POLICE: THE IMPACT OF BALTIMORE'S 3‐1‐1 CALL SYSTEM*

Research Summary: Our paper explores the impact of implementing a nonemergency 3‐1‐1 call system in Baltimore, Maryland. We found a large (34.2%) reduction in 9‐1‐1 calls following the introduction of the 3‐1‐1 nonemergency call system. Many, but not all, of these calls simply migrated over to the 3‐1‐1 call system. Overall, we identified a 7.7% reduction in recorded citizen calls to the police post 3‐1‐1 intervention. This recorded reduction in citizen calls was confounded by an increase in high priority calls to the 9‐1‐1 system (27.5%), a large overall reduction in low priority calls (54.3%), and an estimated increase (perhaps 8%) in unrecorded calls to the police. We also note a small increase in response times to high priority 9‐1‐1 calls following the implementation of the 3‐1‐1 call system and virtually no change in the amount of officer time available for community policing or problem‐oriented policing activities. Policy Implications: Our findings suggest that nonemergency call systems, such as 3‐1‐1, can greatly facilitate police efforts to better handle citizen calls for police service. However, the intrinsic value of nonemergency call systems is tightly woven with a police department's willingness to change dispatch policies (especially for those calls received via the 3‐1‐1 system), reallocate patrol resources, and adopt organizational reforms to support alternative methods (apart from dispatch) for handling nonemergency calls for service.