There have always been debates about the methods that should be used to inform and assess development programmes. Experimental methods have become highly advocated as agencies seek rigorous ways to show programme value. However, the benefits and appropriateness of these methods are frequently overstated. We use the Aga Khan Development Network's Quality of Life studies to show that periodic mixed methods approaches are useful to analyse programme contributions and inform area development. We argue that experimental methods should not be idealised, and that research questions and organisational learning should guide pragmatic methodological choices to inform development intervention in real-life contexts.
Une taille unique ne convient pas toujours : comment choisir des méthodes pour éclairer le développement des régions
Il y a toujours eu des débats sur les méthodes qui devraient être employées pour éclairer et évaluer les programmes de développement. Les méthodes expérimentales sont devenues très préconisées dans le cadre de la quête par les organisations de manières rigoureuses de démontrer la valeur de leurs programmes. Cependant, les avantages et le caractère approprié de ces méthodes sont souvent exagérés. Nous utilisons les études sur la qualité de la vie de l'Aga Khan Development Network pour montrer que les approches périodiques basées sur des méthodes mixtes sont utiles pour analyser les contributions des programmes et éclairer le développement des régions. Nous soutenons que les méthodes expérimentales ne devraient pas être idéalisées, et que les questions des recherches et l'apprentissage organisationnel devraient orienter des choix méthodologiques pragmatiques afin d'éclairer les interventions en matière de développement dans les contextes réels.
La unitalla no le queda a todos: seleccionando métodos que informen el desarrollo de áreas
Siempre han existido debates en torno a los métodos que deben usarse para fundamentar los programas de desarrollo y valorarlos. A medida que las agencias han buscado métodos rigurosos para demostrar el valor de sus programas, ciertos métodos experimentales han sido altamente promovidos. Sin embargo, los beneficios y lo apropiado de tales métodos a menudo se ha exagerado. En el presente artículo, los autores utilizan los estudios sobre la Calidad de Vida realizados por la Red de Desarrollo Aga Khan, con el fin de mostrar que los enfoques de métodos mixtos aplicados periódicamente resultan útiles para analizar los aportes de los programas y para potenciar el área de desarrollo. Asimismo, sostienen que no deben idealizarse los métodos experimentales y que las inquietudes de investigación y el aprendizaje organizacional deberán guiar las opciones metodológicas pragmáticas orientadas a fundamentar las acciones de desarrollo en la vida cotidiana.
Um único tamanho não serve para todos: Escolhendo métodos para informar a área de desenvolvimento
Tem havido frequentemente debates sobre os métodos que deveriam ser utilizados para informar e avaliar programas de desenvolvimento. Métodos experimentais têm sido altamente defendidos quando as agências buscam formas rigorosas de mostrar o valor do programa. Porém, os benefícios e adequação destes métodos são frequentemente superestimados. Utilizamos os estudos sobre Qualidade de Vida da Aga Khan Development Network para mostrar que abordagens de métodos mistos periódicos são úteis para analisar as contribuições dos programas e informar o desenvolvimento de área. Argumentamos que métodos experimentais não devem ser idealizados e que questões de pesquisa e aprendizado organizacional devem orientar escolhas metodológicas pragmáticas para fornecer informações à intervenção de desenvolvimento em contextos da vida real. 相似文献
This paper studies how religions, Islam in particular, play a part in the attempted reifications of “neo-ethnic” identities in Kyrgyzstan, a Turkic-speaking republic with a nomadic tradition and a Muslim majority (Hanafî Sunni Islam). In a context characterized by brutal transformations (decline in living standards, widening social inequalities, etc.) and by an increasingly failing central state whose autocratic rule appears ineffective, Islam intervenes as a paradoxical resource that is subjected to contrary uses. The traditional social link between collective identity and Islam is in fact reinvested ideologically within the framework of the new state construction. As a result a key question is what function the re-emergence of religion on the Kyrgyz political scene fulfils, especially considering broad disenchantment with politics. Islam is first re-emphasized as a national element by the authorities and, in the process, it becomes the subject of a drive towards territorialization that aims at erasing any transnational and/or pan-Islamist dimension from this universalist religion. Yet Islam and ethnicity are reinvested again in a new mode, the mode of subjectivization of religious belief, which gives rise, outside state control, to overlapping and often contradicting Islamic identities. 相似文献
This article analyses the serious problem of corruption in India by examining its causes and the various anti-corruption measures employed by the government from the formation in 1941 of the first anti-corruption agency, the Delhi Special Police Establishment, which was expanded to form the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in April 1963. India's ineffective anti-corruption strategy can be attributed to the lack of political will of its leaders and its unfavourable policy context, which has hindered the enforcement of the anti-corruption laws. The lack of political will in fighting corruption is manifested in the lowest per capita expenditure and least favourable staff-population ratio of the CBI when compared to those of its counterparts in Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea and Thailand. To enhance the CBI's effectiveness, it should be removed from the jurisdiction of the police and be established as an independent agency dedicated solely to curbing corruption. The Constitution of India should also be amended to empower the CBI to investigate corruption cases at the state level without obtaining the consent of the chief minister of the state. In view of the lack of political will, this article concludes that curbing corruption in India remains an impossible dream in the foreseeable future. 相似文献
This article uses Central Asian examples to challenge theories of ethnic nationalism that locate its origins in intellectual activism (Hroch), state modernization processes (Gellner), or the rise of mass media (Anderson). Modern Uyghur cultural politics and traditional Central Asian dynastic genealogies reveal related processes used in constructing modern nationalist symbols and pre-modern ideologies of descent. Modern territorial states with ideals of social unification and bureaucratic organization rely upon nationalist discourses to elaborate and rework cultural forms into evidence for the ethnic nation. The state links citizens to institutions through nationalist content used in political discourse, schooling, and public performances. Because such content is presented as authentic but used instrumentally, its contingency and fabrication have to be concealed from view: the culturally intimate spaces of bureaucratic production of culture and narratives are separated from public performances. The creation of genealogies used to legitimate pre-modern states are similar: compositional processes and goals are kept offstage, and little is disclosed in the public historical narratives and performances. 相似文献
In February 1929 the Bishop of Ossory commented on the fact that in Ireland illegitimate infants were often ‘done to death by father or relatives’ (Irish Catholic, 16 February 1929). There were many instances where family members of unmarried women who gave birth were the sole defendants or co-defendants in infanticide cases in post-independent Ireland. Although illegitimate infants were ‘done to death’ by their fathers in a number of cases that were tried at the Central Criminal Court in Dublin between 1922 and 1950, this article will focus on cases where infants were murdered or suspected of having been murdered by relatives of the birth mother both in the Twenty-Six Counties and in Northern Ireland (Irish Catholic, 16 February 1929). For the purposes of this article I have referred to the murder of illegitimate infants as ‘infanticide’ even though there was no separate charge of infanticide in the Irish Free State until 1949. The English infanticide acts of 1922 and 1938 also applied to Northern Ireland. This article discusses the motives of the relatives of single mothers who played a part in the deaths of illegitimate infants. Unmarried motherhood was severely frowned upon in Ireland and the relatives of single pregnant women assisted their female kin in destroying the evidence of extra-marital conception in order to protect the family's honour and moral reputation in the wider community. The records of infanticide trials provide a great deal of insight into the ways in which mainly working-class families dealt with the strain of pregnancy outside wedlock in Ireland between 1922 and 1950. 相似文献
What explains the dynamics of contentious collective political action in post-Soviet Central Asia? How do post-Soviet Central Asian citizens negotiate the tensions between partaking in and abstaining from elite-challenging collective protests? By analysing cross-national attitudes in two Central Asian states, this article (1) systematically analyses the variation in collective protests by testing rival macro-, meso-, and micro-level theories; (2) reintroduces a conceptual and empirical distinction between low-risk and high-risk collective protests; and (3) examines the conditions under which individuals participate in two distinct types of elite-challenging collective actions. Three conclusions are reached. First, the evidence suggests that nuanced consideration of multi-level theoretical perspectives is necessary to explain contingencies of elite-challenging actions. Second, economic grievances and resource mobilization emerge as leading factors driving both low-risk and high-risk protests. Third, Islamic religiosity and social networking robustly predict participation in high-risk collective action. 相似文献
During the Korean War, the Office of the Quartermaster General's Graves Registration Service (GRS) was responsible for the recovery, processing, identification, and repatriation of US remains. In January 1951, the GRS established a Central Identification Unit (CIU) at Kokura, Japan. At the Kokura CIU, postmortem dental examinations were performed by the dental technicians. Thirty‐nine postmortem dental examinations performed at the CIU were compared to the findings documented in the Forensic Odontology Reports written at the JPAC Central Identification Laboratory (CIL). Differences were noted in 20 comparisons (51%). The majority of the discrepancies was considered negligible and would not alter the JPAC decision to disinter a set of unknown remains. Charting discrepancies that were considered significant included the occasional failure of the Kokura technicians to identify teeth with inter‐proximal or esthetic restorations and the misidentification of a mechanically prepared tooth (i.e., tooth prepared for a restoration) as a carious surface. 相似文献
