甲午启示录——朝鲜半岛篇

1894年甲午战争爆发后,朝鲜在摆脱与清王朝之间藩属关系的同时又陷入了日本侵略势力的魔掌。随着世界反法西斯战争的胜利,朝鲜终于挣脱了日本的殖民枷锁,获得了独立自主。然而,1954年日内瓦会议关于朝鲜问题的讨论无果而终,无情地宣告朝鲜半岛又进入了南北分治时代。当新的甲午年来临之际,回顾前两个甲午年朝鲜半岛的历史,总结其经验教训,将会为我们客观认识和妥善处理当前朝鲜半岛问题,避免历史悲剧的重演,提供一些有益的启示。     

Multilateral CBMs on the Korean Peninsula: Making a virtue out of necessity

Abstract

As its economy has become near to collapse, North Korea has tried to avoid direct contacts with South Korea because of the ‘absorption phobia’. Instead, the North has made continuous efforts to improve its relations only with the United States, seeking a guarantee for its survival. Given this circumstance, this paper argues that useful multilateral approaches such as KEDO and Four‐Party Talks will contribute to improving inter‐Korean relations. Thus, it would be sensible to explore every possible way (even through multilateral mechanisms) until both Koreas make a breakthrough for the deadlocked inter‐Korean CBMs. But the multilateral CBMs constitute a transitional and complementary role as South and North Korea should be primarily responsible for addressing major problems such as reunification. Among the multilateral approaches, the Four‐Party Talks will be a most useful mechanism which will enable the two Koreas to resume dialogue for the peace and reunification on the Korean Peninsula. In this peace process, more positive roles of major powers are also requested.     

战俘待遇规则的发展、内容及美国虐囚事件的违法性

近来发生的美军虐囚事件,引发了我们对战俘待遇规则相关问题的思考。本文回顾了战俘待遇规则发展的三个历史阶段,概括了战俘按照1949年《关于保护战俘待遇的日内瓦公约》所应享有的权利,在此基础上对美军虐囚事件的违法性进行了分析。     

Repraesentatio identitatis : l’idée de représentation politique en débat dans la République de Genève lors de la crise de 1707

In the Republic of Geneva, the Small Council and the Great Council considered themselves to be representative of the people, although they were not elected by citizens, but were mutually co-opted instead. There were still elections by the General Council, the assembly of all burgesses and citizens, but they were only meant to promote the members of these co-opted councils to particular magistracies. During the political crisis of 1707, government thinkers tried to justify in theory this conception of representation, which is similar to what the German legal philosopher Hasso Hofmann called repraesentatio identitatis. For them, the Small and the Great Councils were inherently representative of the people owing to their large numbers and their concern for the public interest. The main thinkers of the ‘popular party' not only rejected this argument, but also advocated an alternative political model, with a redistribution of powers between the Councils and the restoration in practice of the sovereignty of the General Council, which it should directly exert. On either side, no project of representative government – in the sense that the Small and the Great Councils would be elected by the people – was ever put forward in these debates.     

亚欧关系的历史跨越--从日内瓦会议到亚欧会议

日内瓦会议是两极格局下两大阵营抗衡对峙过程中召开的和平协商会议,是大国较量的另一"战场";亚欧会议是冷战后和平与发展背景下形成的东西方对话合作论坛,并逐步形成一种相对稳定机制.从日内瓦会议到亚欧会议的历史昭示是,和平协商与平等对话反映了当代国际关系发展的潮流和趋势.今年10月河内第五届亚欧会议,为亚欧会议更具有活力、更富有成效作出了贡献.     

计算机网络攻击的法律规制

计算机网络攻击在技术上已经具备实战价值,引起各国的重视;但它的匿名性、跨国性和非对称性等特点,以及随之而来的网络军备竞赛,对各国的网络安全构成严峻的挑战。现行国际法所存在的空白、盲点,有可能导致网络战和计算机网络攻击的滥用。为防止网络战争的发生,国际社会有必要运用法律手段来规制计算机网络攻击。而鉴于达成具有普遍约束力的法律文件尚有难度,可尝试先通过外交声明之类的＂软法＂文件,来汇聚共识,形成合力。     

Is institutionalization of the six-party talks possible?

During 2003 and 2004, after having successfully hosted two six-party talks and a round of working-group level meetings on the North Korean nuclear crisis, China pushed to institutionalize the talks. Such an initiative coming from China was a shock to the world, since it has long maintained a passive, negative and defensive posture against multilateral cooperative security arrangements. This article declares that China's idea to utilize the six-party talks as a steppingstone toward a multilateral cooperative security arrangement is premature. It argues that the first priority is to address the failure of the 1994 Agreed Framework with North Korea—what was, then, believed to be the solution for the North Korean nuclear crisis. This article dissects the failure and identifies one critical factor for the viability of any future peaceful resolution—the economic sanctions that the US has placed against North Korea for the past half-century. The authors argues that if the issue of sanctions is not addressed, the current six-party talks will not be successful.     

俄罗斯刑法上的国际刑法规定

由于冷战后俄罗斯学界对国际刑法研究不重视,目前《刑法典》中仅存有关普遍管辖权和诉讼时效的规定。但刑法典总则对缺席判决下普遍管辖权的适用、指挥责任和排除违法性理由的判断标准规定模糊,而分则的犯罪体系过于粗略和封闭,没有规定反人类罪和非武装冲突中对战争手段和方法的使用等,需要根据"日内瓦公约"和"海牙议定书"予以重构。     

印度与第一次印度支那战争

第一次印度支那战争的爆发及政治解决,对印度外交来说是一次严峻的挑战,同时也是印度提升国际地位的一次难得机遇。印度出于反对殖民主义、和平共处、不结盟等因素的考虑,不断调整其印度支那政策,从中立的"不干涉"政策,进而逐渐转变为积极的调停政策。印度发挥在日内瓦会议上了独特的作用。研究这一案例,有助于加深我们对印度外交特点的认识。