四川省经济犯罪的经济分析

介绍犯罪经济分析的相关基础知识和方法,并结合四川省经济犯罪的案例和实际数据分析犯罪供需之间的关系。结论:经济犯罪的特征取决于该区域的经济发展水平;消灭经济犯罪的根本途径是发展社会生产力。     

The Frontiers of Legal Analysis: Reframing the Transition in Northern Ireland

British constitutional legal discourse is structurally limited in its capacity to capture the complexity of the Good Friday Agreement. Rather than assessing the Agreement in narrow devolutionary terms, it should be seen as a hybrid domestic and international law instrument, making an important contribution to accepted international law norms in relation to self-determination. The Agreement transforms and partly transcends the Northern Ireland conflict by substituting political contestation for violent conflict, and by defining the modalities of conducting that contestation. This analysis complements classical international law perspectives, and opens up the application of legal discourses associated with 'transitional justice' to the legal and political transformation in Northern Ireland. These discourses focus on the problem of reconciling the demands of peace with the imperatives of justice. The Agreement sits squarely in this terrain with its provisions on 'dealing with the past' and 'institutional legacies'. The insights gained here challenge orthodox thinking about conflict-management and the ongoing political process.     

发展中心城市是陕西省城市化的最优途径

关于中国城市化发展的道路,学术界有优先发展小城镇和优先发展中心城市两种不同的观点。陕西省应走优先发展中心城市之路。这是因为,陕西省是一个欠发达的省份,中心城市规模太小,中心城市综合实力偏弱。     

云南省中小学毒品预防教育调查报告

中小学校毒品预防教育是一项十分重要的禁毒基础工作。目前云南省中小学校虽已开展了不同形式的毒品预防教育工作 ,但是 ,部分学校迫于升学压力 ,加之在校学生吸毒情况不突出等原因 ,并未将毒品预防教育列入学校的重要工作之一 ,不注重毒品预防教育效果。     

公务员对我国行政改革的认知状况调查——基于对浙江省公务员群体的调查

调查发现公务员群体对我国的行政改革了解有限,改革在一定程度上延续着对先前制度的依赖,与理想状态还有一定的差距。公务员群体也因性别、年龄、学历和机关工作年限等不同,在相关看法上呈现出一定的内部差异。当前各级政府依然不同程度的存在经济管理强、市场监管弱、社会管理弱、行政执法弱、公共服务弱的现状;在教育、医疗和住房等基本公共服务提供方面,可能存在供给"短缺"与政府"缺位"的问题。我国政府强调行政改革的中国特色,形成了行政改革实践的"渐进性"和"两个超越"的特征。     

新社会阶层通过人民政协参政议政的优势——以甘肃省为例

随着我国改革开放的不断深入,在体制转轨、社会转型、观念转变的过程中,新社会阶层不断形成和发展。其主要是以民营科技企业创业技术人才、外资企业管理技术人才、个体户、私营业主、中介组织从业人员、自由职业者六个新社会阶层组成。甘肃省与我国其他发达地区相比,新社会阶层队伍规模较小,但参政议政意识不断增强,愿望强烈,热情较高。相关部门应在不断研究新社会阶层特点的基础上,把握机遇,更好地通过人民政协发挥其参政议政的优势。     

Quality of democracy in unrecognized states: lessons from Northern Cyprus

Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy.     

河北太行山红色文化资源治理整合与旅游开发研究

红色文化资源是中国共产党领导中国人民进行革命、建设、改革所形成的物质财富和精神财富的综合体。河北太行山作为中国共产党的重要革命圣地,拥有丰富的红色文化资源。但在其开发利用过程中存在区域化突出、管理不规范、吸引力不足等方面的问题。因此,河北太行山地区应从制度体系构建、区域间整合、经济效益与社会效益结合等方面着手,进一步挖掘和利用好该地区的红色文化资源。     

Does Moderation Pay in a Consociational Democracy? The Marginalisation of the SDLP in the North of Ireland

A central question in the debate between “centripetalists” and “consociationalists” concerns whether power‐sharing arrangements provide incentives for moderation. This article helps to formulate an empirical answer through an examination of the electoral decline of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) following the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in the North of Ireland. Drawing on primary qualitative interviews with key players, this article argues that the SDLP were electoral losers under a system of ethnic out‐flanking. Sinn Féin has successfully presented itself as the “greener” and more robust representative of nationalist interests, whilst simultaneously moderating its message and operating the institutions of Northern Ireland. Sinn Féin has taken ownership of the GFA and has positioned itself as the party best able to ensure its delivery. Sinn Féin’s rights‐based agenda, and vibrant electoral machine, has resonated with the nationalist electorate who are less sure of what the contemporary SDLP stands for.     

Just the Two of Us? Civil Conflicts,Pro-State Militants,and the Violence Premium

Quantitative literature discussing violence in civil conflicts tends towards a typical model of engagement between governments and revolutionaries. Whilst recent work has shown the significant impact of multiple anti-government groups, a further feature remains understudied—the role of pro-state militants. This article theorizes a “violence premium” when such groups arise, which leads to all connected groups devoting greater energy to conflict than they would in isolation. Employing duration analysis and data from The Troubles in Northern Ireland, where Republicans act as revolutionary insurgents, Loyalists as pro-state militants, and the British Army as government forces, the violence premium is empirically confirmed. Both Loyalists and Republicans deviate from their underlying strategies to attack more frequently when violence by their rivals increases, with Republicans and the British Army engaging in the same way. An extended analysis, accounting for the status of the victim, shows that the violence premium resulting from interaction between Loyalists and Republicans targeted only the civilian population of Northern Ireland, elucidating the sectarian component of The Troubles. These results show that including all conflict parties and considering how they are linked are important features in studies that aim to determine the net level of violence in civil conflicts.