联合国维和人员性犯罪的刑事管辖障碍与改进建议

联合国维和人员性犯罪问题严重侵犯东道国受害者的人权并使联合国声誉受到重创。各管辖主体在对犯罪嫌疑人实际行使刑事管辖权时,存在诸多障碍:维和人员在东道国享有豁免;各国刑法在域外适用上的规定不同和派遣国主观上不愿对本国维和人员性犯罪行使管辖权;维和人员性犯罪难以被认定构成国际罪行;混合法庭须经东道国同意才能成立;维和人员性犯罪是否构成《罗马规约》中规定的国际罪行和受《罗马规约》约束的国家有限。改进建议包括:多方管辖权相互补充;成立对性剥削和性虐待作出快速反应的小组;起草《联合国官员和特派专家刑事责任公约草案》;联合国在东道国设立混合法庭;派遣国在东道国进行实地军事审判等。     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.     

冷战后联合国维持和平行动的法律分析

联合国维持和平行动是联合国在实践中创造的一种维持国际和平与安全的方法,贯彻自愿、中立、非武力等基本原则。冷战后的联合国维持和平行动呈现出许多新的特点,也引起了不少国家的担忧和非议。当前,联合国的改革与发展已处于十分关键的时期,如何使联合国维持和平行动法制化、规范化已成为摆在联合国及各会员国面前的紧要问题。     

联合国制裁之定性问题研究

国际社会虽然使用“联合国制裁”的措词来表述联合国宪章第七章中规定的强制措施,但却因为其带有浓厚的政治色彩而对其法律制裁的特性深表怀疑,这种怀疑无疑将严重影响联合国制裁机制的进一步发展。然而,按照法律制裁的基本标准来判断,联合国制裁不失为一种专门的法律制裁机制,虽然与国内法律制裁机制相比较,它具有许多缺陷:制裁领域的残缺性;制裁对象的局限性;制裁环节的分权性。但这些缺陷不能从根本上影响其作为法律制裁的本质特性。认识到联合国制裁的这一特性具有十分重大的现实意义,它将为联合国制裁系统最终通过改革而发展成为一种更加全面、完善的法律制裁机制奠定坚实的思想基础。     

反腐败的国际立法浅析

腐败是各国国内常见的一种违法现象,本质上属于各国国内管辖的事务。在全球化的背景下,腐败呈现出许多新的特点,反击腐败,单靠一国或几国的力量是无法取得良好的效果的。联合国在近年来积极投身于建立反击腐败的国际合作机制,制定和通过了《联合国反腐败条约》。     

十年来我国妇女/性别理论研究的发展--联合国第四次世界妇女大会产生的积极影响

从1995年第四次世界妇女大会在北京的筹备和召开,到后来举行的北京 5和北京 10等一系列相关的活动,世妇会的原则和理念得到了不断的强化,这些理念凝结和渗透在妇女理论研究领域,极大地推进了我国妇女/性别理论研究事业的发展。本文回顾了十年来妇女/性别理论研究在研究内容、研究视角及研究机制等方面的变化和进展,以期进一步推动我国的妇女/性别研究在社会科学研究领域的重要影响。     

THE ROHINGYA CRISIS: WHY THE WORLD MUST ACT DECISIVELY

The dimensions of the crisis generated by the systematic persecution and expulsion of Rohingyas by the Myanmar authorities have been a sustained subject for global debate in these present times. The refusal of the Myanmar government to heed the world's warnings, its obfuscations in the matter of following through on the recommendations of the Annan Commission, and the dogged reluctance of Aung San Suu Kyi, once an ardent advocate of democracy and human rights in her country, to speak up for the Rohingyas have left the international community deeply disappointed. And disturbing too is a report by UN investigators on human rights abuses in Myanmar's Rakhine state. The problem does not look about to be resolved any time soon, with more than 750,000 Rohingyas taking refuge in neighbouring Bangladesh, pushing social dynamics in an already over-populated country to the edge. The fear is that the crisis could fester before getting dangerously out of hand, unless the global community goes for decisive action.     

从国际法角度析空间武器问题

美国于2002年退出《弹道导弹条约》,并启动导弹防御计划,使外层空间面临着成为军备竞赛新场所的危险.尽管现有的国际法对空间武器的使用是否合法没有作明文规定,但包括《联合国宪章》等在内的国际法律性文件都试图以法律手段实现外层空间的非军事化;而根据《部分禁止核试验条约》,不允许缔约国进行任何使用核动力的导弹拦截试验;《环境影响公约》和《外空条约》等则禁止出于军事目的或任何其他敌对方式使用空间武器.     

“Gendering” European security: policy changes,reform coalitions and opposition in the OSCE

The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has rarely been considered in scholarship on gender and security, even though it was one of the regional security organisations whose gender policy predated the United Nations Security Council’s call for more international attention to issues related to women, peace and security in October 2000. Based on an analysis of official OSCE documents and on semi-structured interviews, we trace the integration of gender issues in the OSCE and explore the rationale behind and the challenges associated with it. We identify two phases of gender policy change in the OSCE and show how the integration of UNSCR 1325 brought about an expansion of OSCE gender policy from an exclusive focus on “soft” security issues towards increased inclusion of gender in the area of “hard” security. Drawing on historical and feminist institutionalism, we argue that reform coalitions were crucial for the policy changes in the OSCE but that they encountered institutional and ideational barriers, which hampered implementation of the gender policy. In light of rising opposition, our analysis warns of a backlash that might jeopardise current achievements.     

On our terms! How domestic elites localised the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala

Abstract

In summer 2004, an UN-sponsored international rule of law commission based on an initiative of the Guatemalan human rights community was rejected by Guatemalan political elites. In 2007, a new version, the International Commission against Impunity (CICIG), was approved by the Guatemalan Congress and has since been active in the country, supporting the modernisation of the Guatemalan judicial system and the investigation and prosecution of criminal networks. The CICIG has been hailed as part of a new generation of rule of law promotion that addresses the problems of post-conflict states. How did this change in elite support come about? Neither increased pressure from the international community nor changes in the elite groups in power can fully explain this shift. Rather, Guatemalan elites actively reshaped the commission; in addition, the human rights community reframed it to better fit the risk perceptions of the general public.