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1.
仰海峰 《江苏行政学院学报》2003,(4):17-22
符号政治经济学批判是鲍德里亚早期思想建构中的重要内容,也是他分析消费社会的理论平台。鲍德里亚认为,使用价值与交换价值的区分同符号的能指与所指的区分具有理论的同质性,在消费社会中,能指与所指的区分构成了现代资本主义合法性的前提。这决定了马克思的政治经济学批判只有发展为符号政治经济学批判,才能揭示消费过程中意识形态的产生过程。也正是在这一思考中,鲍德里亚离开了马克思,经过《生产之镜》转向后马克思思潮。 相似文献
2.
Charls Pearson 《International Journal for the Semiotics of Law》2008,21(3):201-208
This special issue should go a long way towards increasing the understanding of Peirce’s semeiotic and its applicability for
solving problems in legal studies. In fact, the New Science of Semiotics should result in developing a rigorous and systematic
methodology for legal studies making it a true semiotic science which I suggest calling “jurisology.” 相似文献
3.
Jessica Whyte 《Law and Critique》2009,20(2):147-161
Over the past decade, as human rights discourses have increasingly served to legitimize state militarism, a growing number
of thinkers have sought to engage critically with the human rights project and its anthropological foundations. Amongst these
thinkers, Giorgio Agamben’s account of rights is possibly the most damning: human rights declarations, he argues, are biopolitical
mechanisms that serve to inscribe life within the order of the nation state, and provide an earthly foundation for a sovereign
power that is taking on a form redolent of the concentration camp. In this paper, I will examine Agamben’s account of human
rights declarations, which he sees as central to the modern collapse of the distinction between life and politics that had
typified classical politics. I will then turn to the critique of Agamben offered by Jacques Ranciere, who suggests that Agamben’s
rejection of rights discourses is consequent to his adoption of Hannah Arendt’s belief that, in order to establish a realm
of freedom, the political realm must be premised on the expulsion of natural life. In contrast to Ranciere, I will argue that
far from sharing the position of those thinkers, like Arendt, who seek to respond to the modern erosion of the borders between
politics and life by resurrecting earlier forms of separation, Agamben sees the collapse of this border as the condition of
possibility of a new, non-juridical politics.
相似文献
Jessica WhyteEmail: |
4.
Charls Pearson 《International Journal for the Semiotics of Law》2008,21(3):247-296
This paper shows how Peirce's semeiotic could be turned into a powerful science. The New Science of Semiotics provides not
only a new paradigm and an empirical justification for all these applications, but also a rational and systematic procedure
for carrying them out as well. Thus the New Science of Semiotics transforms the philosophy of law into the science of legal
scholarship, the discipline that I call jurisology.
相似文献
Charls PearsonEmail: |
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6.
檀晶 《山东行政学院学报》2004,(1):109-111
魏晋玄学作为中国思想文化史上影响颇大的思潮之一,对文学产生了不可低估的作用。宏观方面,“清通简要”的玄学特征开启了一代新的文风,并促进了文学与玄学的结合;微观方面,玄学对诗歌、文艺理论等文学领域的渗透,形成了这一时期独特的文学现象。 相似文献
7.
鲁锐 《北京行政学院学报》2011,(2):126-128
五四期间思想争鸣,西方科学与民主的思想在中国广泛传播。此时,出现了一场"科学与玄学"的大辩论,各方思想观点激烈碰撞,促进了人们认识的升华。本文旨在通过述评这场论战,倡导运用唯物史观融合西方科学思想与东方人文文化。 相似文献
8.
杨大春 《江苏行政学院学报》2003,(4):5-10
梅洛-庞蒂典型地体现了现代生存哲学对于近代主体形而上学的超越,但这并不意味着他完全告别了形而上学。梅洛-庞蒂正走在通向结构主义的途中,但他从未真正地远离现象学。这是一种在西方哲学史上具有含混地位的哲学,它在其对传统形而上学的深刻批判中依然守护着某些传统信念。 相似文献
9.
魏晋玄学中的“言意之辨”作为一个哲学命题渗入到我国古代文艺理论中 ,是很值得关注的问题。玄学认为“道”是“无名”、“无形”亦即无限 ,便产生了“道”能否用名言概念和具体形象来表述的问题。在持续不断的争议中 ,无论是古代还是现代 ,这一命题都在不断地促进、丰富着我国文艺理论的发展建构。 相似文献
10.
东晋南朝时期,玄学成为当时具有时代特色的主流学术和政治思潮.但此时的思想界又呈多元化局面,玄、儒、佛、道各家思想对意识形态及政治领域各个层次的影响和作用并不相同.在统治者治国的实际指导思想方面,儒家学说仍然占据主导地位.这不仅表现在江左君臣们仍以儒家学说作为治国立论的出发点,还表现在儒家思想对当时立法和司法实践产生着直接的影响.在处理具体案件时,司法者主张情、理、法结合,提出了符合伦理人情的原则和方法.这一时期儒家思想的作用和影响推动着封建法律伦理化进入新的阶段. 相似文献