西北农村留守妇女社会支持网络对其心理健康的影响:来自甘肃省的调查发现

本文旨在了解西北农村留守妇女的社会支持网络状况及心理健康状况,并探究其社会支持网络特征对心理健康的影响。通过抽取甘肃省311名农村留守妇女为被试,采用社会支持网络量表和SCL-90量表进行调查,结果发现西北农村留守妇女的社会支持网络表现出规模偏小、强关系成员占多数、异质性较低、趋同性较高的特征;西北农村留守妇女群体的心理健康水平显著低于成年正常女性。此外,研究还发现西北农村留守妇女社会支持网络规模对其心理健康具有显著的负向影响,网络异质性、趋同性与其心理健康也有一定的相关关系。     

Electoral volatility and parties’ ideological responsiveness

For a number of decades now, scholars have been indicating that ties between citizens and parties are eroding. As a consequence, electoral behaviour has become more volatile and also more unpredictable. The consequences of this process of change on parties’ strategic behaviour have, however, received little attention. In this article, the impact of dealignment on parties’ strategic behaviour is examined, with the focus being on the extent to which parties are responsive to the mean voter. The expectation of dealignment allowing parties ‘to move around more freely’ leads to the hypothesis that parties are more responsive in a context of dealignment. The analyses provide evidence that is in line with this expectation. Ideological responsiveness is conditioned by the level of volatility in the electorate. The conclusion to draw from these results is that dealignment, which profoundly affects voters’ behaviour, leads parties to become more responsive to the mean voter.     

What are we gonna be when we grow up? SYRIZA's institutionalisation and its new “governing party” role

The aim of this paper is to analyse the organizational model of one of the most successful European radical left parties, the Greek Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA). Our goal is to analyse SYRIZA's organizational transition from the electoral arena to the government (2015). Our main finding is that SYRIZA started as a socially-oriented organization led by an oligarchic dominant coalition and converted itself into a political party, characterized by a prevailing role of the party in public office/party government. Both the institutional environment and the party organization's first configuration have had an impact on this change.     

不一样的留守生活——对农村留守妇女上班族的个案研究

以苏北S村为例对农村留守妇女上班族的时间配置、社会支持网络、社会身份认同等方面进行的调查发现，农村留守妇女上班族在时间配置上，工作和家务劳动占据了主要部分，闲暇时间她们的生活较为丰富；留守妇女上班族的社会支持网中，同事和工作中认识的留守妇女为她们提供了情感支持和信息支持，在工具性支持上，她们和一般农村留守妇女没有差别；留守妇女上班族对社会身份的认同是通过经济独立、家庭地位提高等维持的；留守妇女上班族在工作获得途径、安全保障和工作保障方面面临困境。     

埃斯特拉达：菲律宾特色民主的产物与替罪羊

菲律宾被罢黜总统埃斯特拉达（以下称埃氏）是菲律宾历届当选总统中得票率最高的“民选”总统,曾被菲律宾人评价为继50年代马克赛赛总统之后最受群众欢迎的总统。然而,在执政后仅一年多便遭致来自各派势力的激烈反对,并成为亚洲第一位遭受弹劾的总统,最终在民变、政变、军变的压力下黯然交出了政权。埃氏作为民选总统,政治生涯在任期仅二年半期间发生了如此戏剧性的变化,其中缘由值得深思。本文试图从菲律宾特色民主为出发点,探索埃氏这位民选总统倒台的原因,并对菲律宾特色民主“EDSA第二次人民力量”的后遗问题进行一些初步的探讨。     

农村留守儿童的心理健康:一个生态学的视角

农村留守儿童的心理健康是人们关注农民工问题的一个视角。性格缺陷与行为偏差、人生观与价值观偏移等是留守儿童常见的心理健康问题。社会工作生态学理论强调“环境中的人”的理念,其中的“社会环境”、“事件与能量”、“适应与应对”、“互相依赖”等理论视角对留守儿童心理健康问题产生的原因提供了解释。同时,以生态学理论为依据,社会工作在应对问题的策略选择上,也更注重学校、社区、社会政策等环境因素的不断改善以适应留守儿童健康成长的需要。     

The Obama Administration,the Left and Narratives of Failure

Barack Obama's election as US president gave rise to hopes of radical reform. Indeed, comparisons were drawn with 1932 and there were references to ‘realignment’. Many on the left were quickly disappointed by the limited character of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, the abandonment of proposed reforms, and the concessions that were made to ensure the passage of healthcare legislation. Some explained these failures through agency‐based accounts and pointed to what they saw as personal weakness. Others stressed the structural constraints imposed by the asymmetric character of partisan polarisation, the political weight of capital, and the institutional character of the American state. The article argues that the character of the ‘Obama coalition’ should also be considered. It has been relatively narrow particularly when compared with the ‘Roosevelt coalition’. In particular, it failed to draw business fractions into its ranks.     

论宪法视野下的空白罪状

空白罪状作为我国一项重要的刑事立法技术,对维护刑法的安定性具有重要意义。从宪法学的角度审视,在立法实践中空白罪状与宪法原则存在诸多抵触之处,如：空白罪状的高度开放性特征有悖于法律明确性原则;空白罪状中参见的规范繁多、效力位阶不一,有可能与法律保留原则相左。除此之外,由于空白罪状参见的规范效力等级较低,容易导致立法权向行政权＂妥协＂之尴尬局面,这在一定程度上与以控制国家权力和保障公民权利为价值取向的宪政、法治国家原则相背离。     

读"上博简"札记

<上海博物馆藏战国楚竹书>(一)出版以后,引起了学者的广泛注意,"竹书"命名问题、"孔子诗论"的作者问题、"留白"问题是大家关注的热点.笔者对这些问题的研究进行了全面的梳理,并提出自己的观点.另外,该文还讨论了利用古音学考释古文字应该注意的问题.     

United against a common foe? The nature and origins of Euroscepticism among left-wing and right-wing citizens

In Western European democracies opposition to the European Union is commonly found at the ideological extremes. Yet, the Euroscepticism of radical left-wing and radical right-wing parties has been shown to have distinct roots and manifestations. The article investigates whether these differences are mirrored at the citizen level. Using data from the European Election Study (2009/2014) and the European Social Survey (2008/2012) in 15 West European countries, it is found that left-wing and right-wing citizens not only differ in the object of their Euroscepticism, but also in their motivations for being sceptical of the EU. Left-wing Eurosceptics are dissatisfied with the current functioning of the EU, but do not oppose further European integration per se, while right-wing Eurosceptics categorically reject European integration. Euroscepticism among left-wing citizens is motivated by economic and cultural concerns, whereas for right-wing citizens Euroscepticism is solely anchored in cultural attitudes. These results refine the common ‘horseshoe’ understanding of ideology and Euroscepticism.