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1.
正Documentation of wartime"comfort women" is under consideration for the Memoryof the World RegisteMore than 70 years later,the horrors of World War II(WWII)are being drawn back into the spotlight as disputing fac-tions tackle the delicate and complex issue of"comfort women."In the 1993 Kono Statement,then-Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary yohei  相似文献   
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正ON August 6,Navi Pillay,the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,urged Japan to produce a comprehensive,impartial and lasting resolution on the issue of wartime sexual slavery,the so-called"comfort women."She lamented a report released by the Japanese government on June 20that said it"was not possible to confirm that women were forcefully recruited."In appealing to Japan,Pillay recognized that such a statement would cause tremendous agony to those female victims.  相似文献   
3.
The purpose of the present study is to assess the impact of a juror orientation videotape on juror knowledge of the legal system and comfort levels regarding jury service. Juror knowledge and comfort were measured using the Juror Knowledge and Comfort Scale (JKCS). It was hypothesized that jurors exposed to the orientation videotape would be significantly more knowledgeable about the legal system and significantly more comfortable with their role as jurors. It was further hypothesized that there would be a significant correlation between the knowledge scale and comfort scale of the JKCS. Results indicate that jurors exposed to the orientation videotape scored significantly higher on both the knowledge scale and comfort scale than jurors not exposed to the orientation videotape. There is also a significant correlation between the juror knowledge and comfort components of the JKCS. The implications of the findings and directions for future research are discussed.  相似文献   
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正On December 26,2013,Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited the Yasukuni Shrine,where 14Class-A World War II war criminals,including Hideki Tojo,who was prime minister of Japan for most of the war,are enshrined.These statesmen and military offi cers were responsible for maintaining a 14-year-long period of aggression towards China,for the Nanjing Massacre,for the sexual abuse of socalled"comfort women"in East and Southeast Asia,and for the attack on Pearl Harbor that provoked the Pacif ic War.Convicted of war crimes in 1946 at the International  相似文献   
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Abstract

Historically, research on gender differences in police work has focused on whether women can “hold their own” in the male-dominated profession of policing. This body of research has undergone a shift from examining whether women can do the job, to how women do the job differently. This topic is intertwined with the increased use of community policing and recognition of the importance of officers having strong “people” skills and the ability to work with citizens. This paper focuses on how male and female officers respond to citizens differently in terms of providing comfort. Results from this analysis indicate that neither officer attitude nor behavior is dictated by officer sex. Rather, other important variables interact with sex to explain attitude and behavior. In addition, situational factors are most important in determining officer behavior. Officer attitude about citizens is not related to officers providing comfort to citizens.  相似文献   
7.
通过近年来对侵华日军在南京的近40家慰安所遗址、数十名知情人以及相关的中、日、韩等国档案史料系统的调查与研究,揭示了侵华日军在侵占南京的近8年期间实施慰安妇制度的主要途径,以及各慰安所的分布与活动情况,揭露了日军慰安妇制度的罪恶及其给慰安妇带来的深重的灾难。慰安妇血铸的史实,无可辩驳地证明了日本右翼势力的荒谬与无耻。  相似文献   
8.
小康社会思想是邓小平理论的重要组成部分。90年代中期以来,理论界关于邓小平小康社会思想的研究内容主要包括小康社会思想的解释框架、小康社会思想的历史背景、小康社会思想的形成和发展过程、小康社会的科学内涵、小康社会的实现条件、实现小康社会的重要意义、小康社会思想的理论价值等七个方面。  相似文献   
9.
党的十六大关于全面建设小康社会的理论和纲领,是对建设中国特色社会主义理论与实践的丰富和发展,是对邓小平“三步走”发展战略思想的深化与发展。全面建设小康社会的奋斗目标,是中国共产党根据我国现代化建设的客观进程和国际国内实际情况的新变化而确定的,也是能够实现的。我们应从经济、改治、文化、生态四个方面全面建设小康社会,开创建设中国特色社会主义的新局面。  相似文献   
10.
South Korea–Japan relations are at their lowest point in decades, as colonial era disputes flare once again. Most pundits argue that the South Korean public is strongly united against Japan. We argue that South Korean elites are sharply divided over how to manage the crisis; this division is starting to impact how South Koreans understand colonial era narratives; and, long-term, bilateral relations depend on how these growing divisions play out. Despite state censorship, a rising counter-narrative in South Korea challenges the dominant, Manichaean, anti-Japanese one. For the first time, Korea and Japan have a realistic chance of reconciling based on liberal public discourse and a nuanced, empirically based understanding of history.  相似文献   
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