新媒介技术下中国政治传播的改变及应对

在新媒介时代,网络空间成为政治传播线上宣传的公共领域,新媒介技术成为不断推动这个领域创新发展的重要力量。新媒介技术下的政治传播格局发生改变,政治传播主体更加多元,政治传播方式更加多样,政治传播的问题也逐渐凸显。转变传统公共政治传播观念,以新媒介技术为支撑,传播优质内容,寻求与公众的政治共识,建立公共传播与公众传播的多向互动格局,增强公众对政府的信任度,能够对新媒介技术下政治传播生态的健康发展产生积极作用。     

新时代提升党员干部政治能力问题研究--基于安徽省的调查与思考

政治能力是新时代党员干部第一位的能力。当前党员干部政治能力建设中还存在着政治敏锐性不高、政治定力不足、政治担当不够、政治执行力不强等问题,究其原因,既有主观方面的因素,也有客观方面的因素。因此,新时代提升党员干部政治能力,必须从加强党的长期执政能力建设出发,从党员干部个人和党组织主客观两个方面切入,既靠党员干部自身努力内外兼修提升政治能力,也要靠组织培养,充分发挥党组织政治功能。     

社会主义政治文明建设和政治文化创新

社会主义政治文明概念的提出，使人们获得了研究社会主义文明发展的新视点，这就是文化的视点、文化和文明发展的历史视点。要正确认识政治文明发展中的文化继承和超越、拒绝和借鉴问题以及文化发展中同一性与差异性的关系，从而。适应时代要求，推进政治文化创新。在中国，社会主义政治文明建设的关键是中国共产党在政治思想和政治理论上的创新，是党能否把政治思想和政治理论创新的成果转化成制度创新的实践。     

“三个代表”与政治文明：构筑起政治合法性的双翼

政治合法性是政治学研究的一个基本命题，是各个政权更是执政党应该首先解决好的重大问题。在我国，解决这一问题，关系到执政党执政地位的持久性、稳固性，关系到社会主义制度优越性的发挥和合理性认证。针对我国政治合法性的特殊性，我们党与时俱进，开拓创新，提出了“三个代表”的重要思想和建设社会主义政治明这一全新执政课题，构筑起了我国政治合法性的双翼，为实现执政党执政合法性和社会主义政治制度合法性的良性互动指明了前进方向和现实路径。     

试论善的理念是政治社会的合法性基础

拥有幸福生活始终是人类孜孜以求的一个社会理想。本文试图从古典的哲学思想出发寻找政治社会存在的道德基础。以道德为基础的政治社会体现了人的政治生存向度,需要人们把它作为各种规范的核心观念才能有约束力,才能使社会关系和谐有序地发展,从而实现“自然主义”和“人道主义”的统一。     

从国家社科基金立项项目看法学研究状况——一种知识社会学的视角

通过对1993-2004年来国家社会科学基金立项的法学类项目类立项资助项目相关指标的分析,来展现我国目前法学学术生产格局的大致状况及其背后动因;并通过与经济学社科基金立项项目的比较以及对法学类社科基金立项项目在社科基金项目中所占比例等数据的分析,来呈视法学作为一门独立学科在整个人文社会科学界的地位变迁,以及这种变迁背后的权力———知识格局。     

To Wonderland Through the Looking-glass: Conceiving a Critical Legal Argument for Contractual Justice in the South African Law of Contract †

The aim of this paper is to identify the possible substructure (looking glass/es) of a critical legal argument for contractual justice (Wonderland) in the South African law of contract. South African contract law still fails, ten years after the constitutional transformation, to reflect the constitutional ideals of freedom, equality and human dignity in an acceptable manner. I argue that this disposition places a question mark over the legitimacy of contract law and marginalizes opportunities for the social change envisaged by the Constitution. The paper explores Duncan Kennedy’s Form and Substance-argument and indicates that the reluctance to accommodate these values may be attributable to the fact that the majority of role-players position themselves on the individualism/rules side of Kennedy’s continuum – a paradigm that perceives the law of contract as a body of positivistic rules to be applied neutrally and regardless of the social or socio-economic distortions its application may generate. In an attempt to move away from this traditional approach, the privileged paradigm is criticised. A typical CLS-approach is followed which employs sociology, psychological jurisprudence and game theory to criticise the law from outside the restrictive realms of law itself. Simultaneously, I attempt to illuminate the argument for a shift (step through the looking glass) to another paradigm. I conclude that our judiciary finds itself in a position similar to that of Plato’s prisoners in the cave and will not reach the point where they apply relevant (constitutional) values directly to contractual disputes. The State is thus responsible for infusing contract law with contractual justice, by implementing legislation to this effect in order to limit the hegemonic consequences of the judiciary’s obsession with freedom of contract and utopian rules, which fail in reality to further the ideal of justice. Paper presented at the Critical Legal Conference, 4 September 2004, London, UK. This paper is dedicated to the memory of the late Judge of Appeal, Mr. Justice P.J. Olivier. The paper is based on research conducted for the thesis in partial fulfilment of the degree LLD in the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria under the title ‘A critical legal argument for contractual justice in the South African law of contract.’ The degree supervisor is Professor Karin van Marle in the Department of Legal History, Comparative Law and Jurisprudence. The author wishes to thank the following persons for valuable deliberations and input: Karin van Marle, Graham Bradfield and Anashri Pillay. In addition, the author wishes to acknowledge and thank the University of Cape Town for financially supporting this research. †Paper presented at the Critical Legal Conference, 4 September 2004, London, UK. This paper is dedicated to the memory of the late Judge of Appeal, Mr. Justice P.J. Olivier. The paper is based on research conducted for the thesis in partial fulfilment of the degree LLD in the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria under the title ‘A critical legal argument for contractual justice in the South African law of contract.’ The degree supervisor is Professor Karin van Marle in the Department of Legal History, Comparative Law and Jurisprudence. The author wishes to thank the following persons for valuable deliberations and input: Karin van Marle, Graham Bradfield and Anashri Pillay. In addition, the author wishes to acknowledge and thank the University of Cape Town for financially supporting this research. apply relevant (constitutional) values directly to contractual disputes. The State is thus responsible for infusing contract law with contractual justice, by implementing legislation to this effect in order to limit the hegemonic consequences of the judiciary’s obsession with freedom of contract and utopian rules, which fail in reality to further the ideal of justice.     

思想政治素质教育的重要性

随着我国社会主义市场经济体制的逐步建立和改革开放的不断深入,我国进入了经济发展的空前繁荣时期。与此同时,西方国家的拜金主义、享乐主义、个人主义等思想观念也随之乘虚而入,致使一些大学生的思想观念发生变化。因此,加强学生的思想政治素质教育就显得尤为重要。     

同治中兴:晚清政治体制模式与政治伦理的悖离

发生在清朝末年的同治中兴,虽在形式上保全了清政府君主专制中央集权的政权组织形式,但其政治体制模式却遭到结构性破坏———中央集权权力向地方督抚下移,而中兴所倚重的中兴名臣仍然抱持儒家封建政治伦理,造成清末政治体制模式与政治伦理相互悖离,双方均失去了在政治建设中的合法性和积极意义。其矛盾运动的结果,使中国近代社会政治新陈代谢的过程曲折而漫长,甚至迂回不前,并出现晚清政局特有的征象。