全文获取类型
收费全文 | 131篇 |
免费 | 1篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 7篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
外交国际关系 | 24篇 |
法律 | 57篇 |
中国政治 | 13篇 |
政治理论 | 19篇 |
综合类 | 7篇 |
出版年
2025年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 8篇 |
2017年 | 13篇 |
2016年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 2篇 |
2014年 | 8篇 |
2013年 | 18篇 |
2012年 | 11篇 |
2011年 | 4篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 2篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 6篇 |
2005年 | 9篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 6篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有132条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
James Bartens 《Family Court Review》2004,42(4):641-654
For a family mediator to protect his client, a third party, and/or himself from unlawfully disclosing a client's admission, the family mediator should use the principles set forth in Tarasoff v. Regents of the University of California when a threat of violence is presented by one of his clients, since many states have adopted these principles through case law and statute to protect third parties from acts of violence. The two most significant factors in determining whether to breach confidentiality are the identifiability of the victim and the likelihood of the potential physical harm. If a jurisdiction has not explicitly done so via statute, the family mediator should nonetheless follow these principles since they are likely to be adopted by that jurisdiction through case law, because the probability of a court's finding a special relationship between a family mediator and a client is relatively high. 相似文献
2.
T. J. Pempel 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(6):996-1018
President Donald Trump initiated a tariff war claiming that the ultimate target was mercantile Chinese economic practices. Numerous countries share such concerns about China. Yet the Trump administration’s approach is wrong for at least three big reasons. First, tariffs avoid addressing the most fundamental complaints about China while they undermine the longstanding and beneficial global liberal trade order. Second, the U.S. approach has been unilateral rather than multilateral, weakening America’s bargaining position while alienating close allies. Third, the Trump administration escalates what is an economic challenge into an existential threat, ignoring numerous benefits from Chinese policies as well as ignoring multiple areas where China has been a powerful global partner. Middle powers in Asia have acted collectively and individually to bolster the global trading system and avoid the worst consequences of the Trump actions while seeking to avoid making permanent binary choices between the United States and China. Beyond the immediate problems, the Trump tariff wars are creating, they also generate damaging second order effects that are undermining domestic and regional policies conducive to enhanced American strengths and an economically less mercantilist China. 相似文献
3.
Reviewed by George Michael 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):609-614
Because of its dynamic nature, those confronting the al-Qaeda threat must follow its evolution very closely. As demonstrated here, this task is particularly challenging when counterterrorism is carried out under the aegis of international organizations. This article explores the threat identification function of the al-Qaeda Sanctions Committee (also known as the 1267 Committee) charged with supervising the UN sanctions regime against al-Qaeda and its associates. Examination of the role of threat identification in the committee's work, and of the content of the threat analysis presented in the periodic reports of its subsidiary monitoring team, suggests the marginality of strategic threat assessment and underscores the constraints created by bureaucratic and political factors. The article also demonstrates the failure of the Committee and the monitoring team to thoroughly engage in central questions regarding al-Qaeda's nature, objectives, and organizational strategy. 相似文献
4.
5.
J. Reid Meloy Ph.D. Stephen G. White Ph.D. Stephen Hart Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(5):1353-1358
This study describes the development of the WAVR‐21, a structured professional judgment guide for the assessment of workplace targeted violence, and presents initial interrater reliability results. The 21‐item instrument codes both static and dynamic risk factors and change, if any, over time. Five critical items or red flag indicators assess violent motives, ideation, intent, weapons skill, and pre‐attack planning. Additional items assess the contribution of mental disorder, negative personality factors, situational factors, and a protective factor. Eleven raters each rated 12 randomly assigned cases from actual files of workplace threat scenarios. Summary interrater reliability correlation coefficients (ICCs) for overall presence of risk factors, risk of violence, and seriousness of the violent act were in the fair to good range, similar to other structured professional judgment instruments. A subgroup of psychologists who were coders produced an ICC of 0.76 for overall presence of risk factors. Some of the individual items had poor reliability for both clinical and statistical reasons. The WAVR‐21 appears to improve the structuring and organizing of empirically based risk‐relevant data and may enhance communication and decision making. 相似文献
6.
Local racial contexts influence public opinion and voting behaviors. This paper argues that differences in community racial demographics also change public political behavior and influence the effectiveness of different campaign appeals to change public political behaviors of white Americans. Using data from an experiment run by a congressional primary campaign, I examine the responses of white Republicans to display a yard sign of a white Republican running against a Latino Republican. Consistent with theories of racial threat, whites in Latino neighborhoods were more likely to be willing to post yard signs. Moreover, the results also show that the effectiveness of different campaign appeals varies by neighborhood racial context. These findings show that racial diversity affects the public political behaviors of white Americans and, more importantly, changes the effectiveness of different campaign appeals. 相似文献
7.
在冷战结束以后,世界上的安全威胁发生了很大变化。不仅冲突和战争的类型发生变化,而且其动因也有了变化。中国面临的主要安全威胁已经不再是某一现实或潜在的国家,套用冷战思维就会错判。更重要的是,在看待和应对威胁上应当具有符合新的时代条件的思考。 相似文献
8.
匿名威胁爆炸案的新特点及其现场处置对策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
朱益军 《北京人民警察学院学报》2005,(6):22-25
近些年北京发生匿名威胁爆炸案件显现猛升势头,并出现一些新的特点.对这类案件的现场处置应遵循"信、严、快、判、细、敢"六字方针. 相似文献
9.
Timo Alexander Graf 《European Security》2020,29(1):55-73
ABSTRACTPerceptions of threat from Russia’s military activities in Ukraine and President Trump’s critical attitude towards NATO have put the idea of a common European army on the agenda of European politics. Do these strategic threat perceptions also influence public support for the creation of a common European army? Previous research has largely overlooked strategic threat perceptions as individual-level determinants of public support for a common European army. This article explores the empirical relationship between strategic threat perceptions and support for a common European army at the individual level of analysis with representative German survey data from 2018. The multivariate analysis shows that perceiving Russia’s military activities in Ukraine as a threat to Germany’s security, and U.S. foreign and security policy as a threat to the cohesion of NATO significantly increases support for the creation of a common European army, even when the influence of numerous other determinants is controlled for. The findings highlight the importance of considering strategic threat perceptions in future analyses of public opinion on European defence cooperation and integration. 相似文献
10.
Mark Shirk 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(4):656-673
Violence characterized by similar actions, actor motivations, group structures, or level of damage still poses qualitatively distinct genera of threats to states. For instance, “terrorism” can threaten a particular state, be used by a state, or threaten the entire state system. Building on the threat construction literature, this study argues that threat is best understood through narratives on the relationship between violence and the boundary-producing practices that construct the state. Four ideal-typical basic narratives on this relationship are produced—entrant, resource, revisionist, and criminal. Each narrative is then demonstrated by looking at how it was used in a historical case of piracy. The action (piracy as raiding at sea) is held constant while the threat in each varies with the narrative. Understanding how threat is narratively constructed can help us to understand particular historical episodes of violence and state responses to them. 相似文献