Beliefs About Wife Beating Among Arab Men from Israel: The Influence of Their Patriarchal Ideology

Despite the recent increase in public and professional interest in the problem of wife beating in Arab society, in Israel, and in the rest of the Arab world, there is a serious lack of empirical research on different dimensions of the problem in those societies. This paper presents the results of a survey conducted among a systematic random sample of 362 Arab husbands from Israel, in an attempt to examine the contribution of patriarchal ideology toward explaining their beliefs about wife beating. Although about 58% of the participants indicated that there is no excuse for a man to beat his wife, 15–62% still justified wife beating on certain occasions (e.g., adultery, failure to obey husbands, disrespect for parents and relatives). In addition, although the participants tended to perceive abusive and violent husbands as responsible for their behavior, 52% still expressed understanding of that behavior and, on some occasions, 23–43% even blamed the wife for violence against her. Regression and multiple regression analyses revealed that over and above the participants' age and level of education, their masculine sex-role stereotypes, negative and traditional attitudes toward women, nonegalitarian marital role expectations, and familial patriarchal beliefs were the most significant predictors of beliefs about wife beating. Implications of the results and limitations of the study are also discussed.     

共青团服务青年就业和再就业工作思考

十六大报告指出 :“就业是民生之本。”贯彻十六大精神 ,搞好青年就业和再就业工作 ,共青团组织责无旁贷。共青团应引导青年树立正确的就业观念 ,提升青年的“可就业指数” ,对青年进行创业辅导 ,开展青年就业中介服务 ,帮助青年进行职业生涯设计 ,开创青年就业和再就业工作新局面。     

共青团与时俱进的理论方向——学习江泽民同志"在纪念中国共青团成立80周年大会"上的讲话

江泽民同志2002年5月15日在纪念中国共青团成立80周年大会上的讲话,为新世纪共青团与时俱进从理论上指明了方向。讲话进一步明确了新世纪共青团肩负的历史使命,丰富了马克思主义青年观,确定了新世纪团结教育引导青年的基本原则,增强了全团的光荣感和责任心,明确了继续前进的方向。     

中国社会主义青年团的创建及其历史贡献--记河北早期共青团工作的发展

20世纪20年代,河北以保定、唐山两地为中心建立了共青团组织,壮大了全国社会主义青年团的力量,促进了河北青年运动的蓬勃兴起,为河北党团组织的建立做了大量工作,在河北革命斗争史上有着特别重要的意义,在中国青年运动史上也具有突出的地位。     

服务青年：高校共青团工作的着力点

社会主义市场经济体制的确立和改革开放的逐步深入,对高校共青团工作的职责提出新课题;高校学生的思想状况、成才需要要求高校团组织调整工作思路、完善工作范畴;了解青年学生的需要和所想,适时地做好服务工作,是新时期高校共青团工作的重点和着力点;积极开展“大学生素质拓展”、“青春创业行动”和“青年维权行动”是当前高校共青团组织服务青年的重要举措和重要内容。     

基于中阿经贸论坛视角下的宁夏形象塑造战略研究

实现宁夏跨越发展不仅需要调整经济结构,转变经济发展方式,创新体制机制,还需充分借助良好的区域形象这一无形资产通过阐释中阿经贸论坛背景下宁夏区域形象塑造的必要性,全面分析目前宁夏区域形象现状,从加强对外宣传、发展优势产业、加强文化交流、拓展旅游市场、注重研究设计等五个方面塑造宁夏新形象的战略理路。     

高校共青团凝聚力建设探析

高校共青团凝聚力建设面临价值取向多元化的新趋势,高等教育改革带来的新要求,网络文化的发展提出了新挑战等所带来的新环境。高校共青团凝聚力要实现三个转变,包括参与主体的转变,工作模式的转变和沟通渠道的转变。除此之外,通过多种形式组织青年、用先进的思想引领青年、尊重和服务青年学生合理的利益诉求并服务于广大青年学生的成长成才、加强高校团干部队伍的自身建设,也是高校共青团凝聚力建设的四个工作着力点。     

The Impact of Advertising and Media on the Arab Culture: The Case of the Arab Spring,Public Spheres,and Social Media

The Arab world has experienced some unprecedented social movements, labeled by the media as the Arab Spring. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of public policy, advertising, media, and public spheres on the Arab Spring. The media and economic policies enacted in the Arab world in the 1990s played a significant role in changing consumer culture in the Arab region, resulting in significant changes in public policy. Two studies were conducted to test how the change in consumer culture along with new public polices in the region contributed to the uprisings.     

Between reform and Islam: The Arab spring in Jordan 2011–2014

This article discusses the Arab Spring in Jordan and the reasons the Hashemite regime was able to survive it. Liberals, retired military officers, young people, members of tribes, and members of the Muslim Brotherhood all participated in the demonstrations against the regime, which began in January 2011. In the beginning, it seemed that diversified demonstrations would bring about the regime’s collapse, as happened in other Arab countries. But in the end, it turned out that each group acted in its own interests. Tribal leaders worried about economic concerns, liberals sought to promote political reform, and the Muslim Brotherhood demanded the establishment of an Islamic caliphate. The lack of a common goal combined with Jordan’s policy of allowing demonstrations free from the fear of violent repression, sapped protesters’ motivation and minimized the number of participants. The fear of the type of anarchy and terror seen in Syria and Egypt also frightened the protesters and led them to the conclusion that it is better to live in an undemocratic but stable regime than pursue a fight for democracy that might end badly. Ultimately, it was King Abdullah’s astute political strategy in combination with international contingencies that enabled Jordan’s Hashemite regime to survive the Arab Spring.     

Sovereignty,bare life and the Arab uprisings

Five years after people took to the streets in protest at political organisation across the Middle East, the consequences of these actions remain. As the protests gained traction, states began to fragment and regimes sought to retain power, whatever the cost. While a great deal of focus has been upon what happened, very little attention has been paid to the role of agency within the context of the fragmenting sovereignty and political change. This article contributes to these debates by applying the work of Giorgio Agamben to the post-Arab Uprisings Middle East, to understand the relationship between rulers and ruled along with the fragmentation of the sovereign state. The article argues for the need to bring agency back into conceptual debates about sovereignty within the Middle East. It concludes by presenting a framework that offers an approach building upon Agamben’s bare life.