后阿拉法特时代的以巴关系--对中东和平进程三大关键因素的分析

阿拉法特辞世后,阿巴斯当选巴民族权力机构主席,完成了巴勒斯坦民族解放事业领导人的代际更替,沙龙组成新的联合政府,布什完成连选连任,巴、以、美三方的变化为推动中东和平进程的实现带来了历史性机遇,以巴恢复和谈势在必行。但由于三方特别是以巴双方各自面临重重困难,因此,在形式上恢复和谈容易,就实质性问题达成协议难。     

实践中的证据法——中国证据法实施情况调查研究

证据制度是本次中国司法文明指数体系的一个重要一级指标,我们选取了四项二级指标进行了评估,通过问卷调查和数据分析,并结合中国证据法治指数问卷调查的数据,可以得出以下结论:当事人证据权利缺乏有效保障,侦查人员的证据意识有所增强,非法证据排除规则有待落实,以及司法证明过程缺乏合理规范。     

亚太移民区域磋商机制与国际移民问题

近年来，全球人口最为集中的亚洲及太平洋地区，人口偷渡和贩卖层出不穷，难民问题日益严重，区域国家间的移民劳工流动日趋频繁。面对纷繁复杂的国际移民问题，亚太国家建立了一些专门性的非正式的移民治理区域磋商机制来应对。亚太移民区域磋商机制目前发挥了一定积极作用，但有效解决亚太地区复杂的移民问题仍任重道远。亚太移民区域磋商机制若不想成为国家的“弃儿”，需要释放潜力，进行更多尝试。     

从《治安管理处罚法》的出台管窥我国的法治进程

《治安管理处罚法》的出台是我国治安管理领域的一次重要变革,它所反映出的对公民人权的保障,对警察权力的规范和制约以及对程序法制的重视,无疑是我国法治文明的巨大进步。但是它自身立法模式的相对滞后以及一些具体内容在理论界所引起的争论,也反映出我国的法治进程还有很长的路要走。     

Legitimacy and post-conflict state-building: the undervalued role of performance legitimacy

Legitimacy is essential to state-building after conflict. Yet, the prescribed path to gaining legitimacy is often a narrow one that borrows heavily from the experiences of Western states. Elections are prescribed as an essential first step on the logic that this means gaining process legitimacy can rebuild a social contract between citizens and the state, a social contract that is rooted in democratic norms and values. This article proposes an alternative path, one that emphasises the critical role of performance legitimacy and its non-exclusive nature. Performance legitimacy is granted when citizens perceive that some or all of their basic needs are being met. The article offers a new analytical framework for understanding a state’s potential source of performance legitimacy, how non-state actors may vie with the state to seize this form of legitimacy, and what consequences this has for processes of state institution-building after conflict. In this respect, this article seeks to reorient theory and practice to a broader view of legitimacy and its critical role in post-conflict state-building.     

Rejecting representation? Party systems and popular support for referendums in Europe

Under what conditions do citizens favor deciding political issues by popular vote? Models of support for popular vote processes usually consider the influence of individual attitudes such as political trust and interest in politics. But much less is known about the effect of institutional variables on support for popular vote processes. This article builds on research showing that disaffection with elected officials shapes support for referendums by considering the influence of the party system. First, an analysis of multilevel data from twenty-four European democracies indicates that individuals are more supportive of referendums in countries with fewer effective political parties. Second, a mediation analysis provides evidence that the number of parties influences referendum support through individual-level political trust and external efficacy. Where there are fewer viable parties, feelings that elected officials are unresponsive tend to increase popular support for referendums. These findings suggest a trade-off between available representation by political parties and support for direct influence over public policy.     

论强制程序条款下辩方证人出庭

对质条款和强制程序条款作为保障被告人权利的重要条款,是证人出庭的两条基本依据。目前刑事诉讼领域的立法和实践主要聚焦于对质条款下的证人出庭,对依据强制程序条款下的证人出庭程序缺乏足够的重视,使得对质条款和强制程序条款的平衡性丧失。辩护律师依此条款申请辩方证人出庭,人民法院认为确有必要的应当同意;证人可以主张不得强迫自证其罪特权,但不能以近亲属特权、律师当事人特权或者国家秘密作为拒绝作证的理由;对拒不出庭或者出庭后拒绝作证的可以强制到庭和司法拘留;增加规定携带证据到庭的通知书等。     

省会城市预算过程中党政首长的作用与影响——基于三个省会城市的研究

以我国三个省会城市为例来试图回答这样一个问题:在省会城市预算过程中,党政首长究竟发挥着怎样的作用,他们是如何影响着预算过程和预算改革的?研究发现,这三个省会城市预算改革后,预算权力结构并未从根本上改变.其核心仍然是市委书记和市长,他们仍然是地方预算过程中实际的财政资源申请的审批者或最终资源配置者.这主要体现在,预算改革后,市委领导下的"行政预算"体制的继续,市政府领导高层预算分配权力的相对集中,和市长对部门关系以及部门利益的决定性影响.研究还指出,要准确地表达地方党政首长在预算过程中的权力,需要将其放在一种"关系"的维度来具体化.此外,对预算环境的讨论也是必要的,尤其是政治环境,对于党政首长而言,预算过程中的不确定性通常都是和政治环境相联系的.     

公安微博舆论引导中的议程设置

作为当前政务微博的主流,公安微博已成为信息公开的便捷平台和网络协助办案的重要工具。公安机关借助公安微薄发布星系、提供服务、获取线索、发布案件进展等工作,并针对负面涉警舆情进行舆论引导。     

Education cooperation in the European Union at the threshold of the New Millenium

The principles of ‘double relevance’ and ‘user-friendliness’ are seen as being essential for the implementation of the EU education programmes SOCRATES II and LEONARDO da VINCI II. Against the background of the acquis in EU education cooperation two points are explored: a) the articles of the Treaty are not fully used, and b) the framework set is increasingly proving to be too restrictive. The Luxemburg process and the Bologna conference are the reason for the second point. The opinion is put forward that the exchanges of students and teachers and the information exchange can be further europeanized and, eventually, be organized in permanent European structures. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.