谢长廷以“宪法”为主轴的两岸政治关系论述评析

谢长廷以“宪法”为主轴的有关“宪法一中”、“宪法共识”、“宪法各表”等两岸政治关系论述既有许多值得肯定之处，也存在着诸多问题与局限。其值得肯定之处主要表现在：是民进党阵营中相对务实、理性的政治主张；是他长期以来深度思考的心得汇整；是试图打开民共僵局的积极尝试；是化解台湾内部蓝绿对抗的有益探索；是摆脱绿营“逢中必反”思维的建设性主张。其问题与局限主要表现在：并未接受“一中”框架；并未放弃“台独”立场；带有折衷主义和模糊主义的双重色彩；论述逻辑有欠严谨和规范。今后谢长廷先生有待于从内容和逻辑两个方面对其论述加以进一步修正或完善，使其论述早日成为一个对两岸关系和平发展有所裨益的论述。     

论行政协议

与行政合同不同的是,行政协议本质上是一种对等性行政契约。它的缔结,主要是合作各方的事,中央政府无法越俎代庖。但行政协议法这一制度平台是地方政府无能为力的,只能由中央政府来构筑和提供。只有制定行政协议法,中央政府才能对地方政府的协作实现法律监控,地方政府间的合作也才能稳固和得到法律保障。     

论ESP教师培训

本文回顾了目前中国ESP教学的现状,认为造成目前这种教与学都不满意的关键原因在于缺少合格的ESP教师,进而提出三种培训ESP教师的途径。     

Book Review: How Mediation Works: Theory,Research, and Practice by Stephen B. Goldberg,Jeanne M. Brett,Beatrice Blohorn‐Brenneur,With Nancy H. Rogers

This is a book review of How Mediation Works: Theory, Research, and Practice by Stephen B. Goldberg, Jeanne M. Brett, Beatrice Blohorn‐Brenneur, with Nancy H. Rogers. How Mediation Works is intended for a wide range of audiences: practicing mediators; aspiring mediators; those who may refer cases to mediation; participants in mediation, including parties and attorneys; managers who facilitate disputes; and those interested in mediation without a specific plan to engage in the practice (who the authors call “mediation learners”). The book is a well‐written, thoughtful, easy‐to‐read, organized, and concise overview of mediation practice. The book is divided into six chapters: (1) conflicts, disputes, and their resolution; (2) dispute resolution processes; (3) the roles of the mediator and the disputing parties at each step of the mediation process; (4) dealing with difficulties; (5) mediation and the law; and (6) suggestions for aspiring mediators. Though not an authority for family law mediation, the book provides many insightful observations and suggestions that would be instructive and helpful to any mediator or individual with an interest in mediation.     

维稳的转型及转型安排

经历十年纠纷矛盾多发期,我们开始探索新的处理矛盾机制。由政治维稳向法治维稳转型,是当前重要的政策选择。法治维稳在允许纠纷矛盾存在的前提下,致力于用规则预防和化解纠纷矛盾,做到维权与维稳并重。不过,要顺利实现转型,既要在实质上建立事先的预防纠纷发生的机制和事后的有效处理机制,也要做好转型期的安排,为管理者设置合理的评价标准、恰当引导当事人的行为和建立救助制度。     

基于网络媒介的突发性公共危机信息传播仿真和管理对策研究

危机信息的健康传播在突发性公共危机管理中至关重要。为了研究突发性公共危机信息在网络环境中传播的特征,本文以复杂适应系统理论为指导,利用多主体建模方法,基于Repast平台模拟突发性公共危机信息在网络媒介中的传播过程。通过模型仿真我们发现突发性公共危机在网络环境中传播的生命周期现象和群极化现象;并且分析比较了各主体属性在不同参数值下的演化结果,探寻危机信息传播的有效方法,为政府如何应对危机管理提供决策支持,以期有效控制突发性公共危机信息在网络环境的恶性传播。     

RACIAL ANIMOSITY AND INTERRACIAL CRIME*

The primary objective of this study is to determine the effect of a victim's race on the likelihood of him or her being seriously injured during the commission of an interracial crime. We also assess the probability of a homicide occurring during an interracial crime. A multilevel city analysis shows that black offenders are no more apt than white offenders to injure their victims seriously during an interracial robbery or rape. A black offender also does not have a greater proclivity to kill his or her victim during the commission of an interracial crime. Some evidence suggests that white victims are more likely than black victims to suffer serious physical harm during an aggravated assault. Results also reveal that contextual factors related to racial animosity, such as residential segregation, white‐to‐black economic inequality, and black‐to‐white unemployment, fail to have any moderating effect on either the severity of victim injury or the likelihood of a homicide occurring during an interracial crime. Overall, the results generated in this study tend to cast doubt on the validity of racial animosity theory. Our findings also lead us to question the veracity of the oftenmade claim that black‐on‐white crimes are punished more severely because these types of offenses are somehow more heinous in circumstance. At least in regard to serious victim injury and victim death, black‐on‐white crime is no more violent than white‐on‐black crime.     

论个性化执政值得推崇——从“仇和现象”谈起

"仇和现象"引发了人们对个性化执政的思考.个性化执政是国家的大政方针与当地具体实际的最佳结合,是领导者个人主动性和创造性的高度发挥,是领导者的领导活动富有魅力和特色,是领导者大有作为创造出为老百姓称道的实绩,是领导者对人民竭忠尽智的无私奉献.我们这个时代呼唤个性化执政,同时为个性化执政提供了广阔的生存空间.个性化执政是提高党的执政能力的内在要求,是执政能力建设的一种趋势和方向.个性化执政符合社会主义民主政治和公众的要求.我们不能简单化地将个性化执政理解为人治,个性化执政恰恰是通向法治的必经之途.