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1.
唐震 《中共云南省委党校学报》2003,4(6):48-50
反省和调整后的英国工党开始重新崛起,对我们加深对当代资本主义的认识,进而对探索新的历史条件下如何提高我党的执政能力能问题,有很大的启示作用。 相似文献
2.
泰国潮剧源于中国。20世纪二三十年代,伴随着现代化的进程,泰国潮剧逐渐本土化,并对中国潮剧产生一定的影响,成为海外潮剧的中心,对潮剧艺术的发展做出了巨大的贡献。同时,潮剧在泰国与中国之间的地理位移意味着这一特殊戏曲艺术在整体格局中的边缘与中心地位的互换,其后隐藏着特定的社会背景和历史渊源,给予人们深刻而独特的文化启示。 相似文献
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Judith Rowbotham 《Liverpool Law Review》2007,28(3):377-403
This article revisits the Baroda Incident 1875, providing a detailed examination of the Enquiry or ‹trial’ for the first time,
and locating that examination in the wider socio-cultural context of the nineteenth century British Empire (especially the
Raj) and the exporting of the ‹British’/English legal culture to the Empire. The implications of the establishing of British
principles of justice, including the value placed upon Indian-generated evidence and testimony by the courts, are explored,
in order to establish the Baroda Incident as a significant miscarriage of justice. Using historical methodologies as well
as postcolonial insights, it demonstrates that the concepts of justice on which the British prided themselves were intrinsincally
racialised as well as gendered, with profound modern resonances.
Dr. Judith Rowbotham is a Reader, School of Arts and Humanities, Nottingham Trent University. 相似文献
5.
本文首先对英国学派的国际社会理论进行了梳理,详细分析了国际体系、国际社会和世界社会的关系,并用此分析冷战后的中国—东盟关系。本文认为中国—东盟之间还没有形成成熟的国际社会,主要依据有:两者缺乏共同的核心价值观,两者关系的机制化程度不高。所以,要改善中国与东盟的关系,至少做到:加强中国与东盟的跨文化交流,真正发挥双边国际制度的作用。 相似文献
6.
Recent Developments to British Multicultural Theory,Policy and Practice: The Case of British Muslims
Since the early 1970s, there have been highly sophisticated arguments and conceptual discussions put forward in relation to how Western liberal democracies might wish to manage their diverse ethnic minority populations. It is apparent, however, that in the current climate, the important principles of unity and diversity are insufficient to challenge differing forms of ethnic, racial, and religious inequality. This paper argues that because of its underlying assumptions and modus operandi in the post-September 11 climate, British multiculturalism has been ineffective, even supporting some commentators' suggestions of a return to assimilationism. There is a new era in post-September 11 political hegemony, economic determinism and structural and cultural racisms, with European government rhetoric and public policy almost exclusively aimed at Muslims—whether as existing citizens or as part of a process of limiting immigration (which has tended to be from mainly Eastern European, North African, and Middle Eastern sending regions and nations). The example of New Labour and how it has attempted to deal with multiculturalism in Britain is a case in point. The discussion explores the changing concept of multiculturalism with special reference to British Muslims and debates that emerge in relation to identity, nation and civil society. It is argued that the experience and treatment of British Muslims is important to explore and appreciate in the current climate as it provides a test case for the future of (a) British multiculturalism and (b) British Muslims in society per se. 相似文献
7.
Roger Kershaw 《亚洲事务》2018,49(1):82-102
The aim of the article is to explore and illustrate some “dynamics of transition” across some six decades of British protection of the Brunei Sultanate, 1906-1967, with particular reference to the interaction of traditional administration and the new system of governance of a Residency, especially in the part of Tutong district that was home to the Dusun/Bisaya ethnic minority. 相似文献
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《世界侨情报告:2011—2012》是一部以反映当前海外侨情变化为主要内容的专题报告类出版物,力求及时研讨全球传统及最新华侨华人居住国侨情动态变化情况,并针对实际问题提出侨务政策建议。该报告具有涉及面广、时效性鲜明等特点,但也存在对个别国家和地区的侨情关注度不够等问题。 相似文献
10.
Eve Hepburn 《German politics》2013,22(2):184-202
This article examines the continuing salience of the territorial cleavage in Bavarian party politics. It does so through an exploration of the Christian Social Union's (CSU) mobilisation of Bavarian identity as part of its political project, which has forced other parties in Bavaria to strengthen their territorial goals and identities. Parties have articulated different constructions of ‘Bavaria’ to rival the CSU's dominant nation-building project. However, they have been unable to portray themselves as ‘standing up for Bavarian interests’ due to the constraints of the state-wide parties to which they belong. As an exclusively Bavarian party, the CSU has no such constraints. Indeed, the CSU's core aim of strengthening Bavaria's position vis-à-vis the German federation may be viewed as akin to that of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia, Spirit in Flanders or Plaid Cymru in Wales. Like these parties, the case of the CSU in Bavaria demonstrates that sub-state territorial mobilisation has as much to do with negotiating autonomy within the state as seceding from it. To that end, the CSU provides a valuable case of how a regionalist party operating within a multi-level political system has sought to influence the regional, state and European levels to obtain a comparative territorial advantage. 相似文献