民主治理与民主巩固——东南亚国家的政治发展困境

东南亚国家独立初期"民主试验"的失败及现阶段民主制度的"危机"和民主制度本身并没有本质的、必然的联系,民主制的发展困境是由于与民主制度相适应的民主治理方式未能有效建立,治理方式不能与民主体制相适应造成的。从"统治"到"治理"不仅是一种范式的变迁,也是国家治理方式的转换。未来东南亚国家的民主巩固进程将是一个艰巨的"双重民主化"进程即实现政治体制和管理方式的双重转型。     

Fairnes issues and job satisfaction among korean employees: The significance of status value and procedural justice in work orientation

This study investigates how justice or fairness issues such as procedural justice, distributive justice, and status equity affect job satisfaction among Korean employees. Incorporating cultural values and social norms salient in Korea, the study hypothesizes that perceptions of procedural justice enhance more job satisfaction than perceptions of distributive justice among Korean employees. Another hypothesis, based on Korean employees' aspiration for higher occupational status, predicts that perceptions of status equity, i.e., occupational prestige of their current jobs relative to their human capital, also increase job satisfaction more than perceptions of distributive justice. These two hypotheses were tested with a sample of 501 full-time employees in Korea. Supporting the hypotheses, the results indicated that (i) perceptions of procedural justice produce more job satisfaction than do perceptions of distributive justice; and (ii) perceptions of status equity are the most important factor predicting job satisfaction among the three fairness issues. Cross-cultural implications of these findings are discussed in more detail.The author thanks Professor Hyunho Seok and the Korean Social Science Council (KSSC) for their 1990 national survey data sets.     

私营企业主政治参与中的满意度研究

在私营企业主政治参与的实践中,开展对私营企业主政治参与满意度的研究,可以了解和测定私营企业主 政治参与的满意水平,厘清制约和影响私营企业主满意度的关键性因素,发现改进和提升私营企业主政治参与满意度的 机会和空间,为推进私营企业主政治参与的发展寻求方向和路径。本文参照计量经济学的费耐尔逻辑模型,从六个方面 具体探讨了制约和影响私营企业主政治参与满意度的因素,并指出了获取私营企业主政治参与满意度的具体方法。     

新民主主义革命时期党群沟通机制有效运行的原因及启示

新民主主义革命时期中国共产党准确地把握社会形势,成功地宣传了党的方针政策,唤醒了民众的革命觉悟,有效地整合了各种社会资源,推动了新民主主义革命的胜利。研究新民主主义革命时期党群沟通的有效运行机制,对新时期进一步改善党群关系,加强党的建设具有重要的指导意义。     

Negotiating normative premises in democracy promotion: Venezuela and the Inter-American Democratic Charter

ABSTRACT

This article analyses negotiations on democracy promotion by looking at the case of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. It argues that Venezuela contested the concept of representative democracy during the Charter negotiations, advancing the notion of “participatory and protagonist democracy” and that, even if it was unsuccessful in its demands, the country contributed to deepening the debate on the concept of democracy, on which there is far from worldwide consensus. The article suggests that the main drivers of the negotiation process and the final agreement were domestic political changes in Venezuela, specific features of the negotiations, and the structural position of Venezuela in the field of democracy promotion in the global and regional contexts, which were, at the time, favourable to a compromising attitude to conclusion of the Charter, even if not to the concept of democracy.     

The Neglected Nation: The CSU and the Territorial Cleavage in Bavarian Party Politics

This article examines the continuing salience of the territorial cleavage in Bavarian party politics. It does so through an exploration of the Christian Social Union's (CSU) mobilisation of Bavarian identity as part of its political project, which has forced other parties in Bavaria to strengthen their territorial goals and identities. Parties have articulated different constructions of ‘Bavaria’ to rival the CSU's dominant nation-building project. However, they have been unable to portray themselves as ‘standing up for Bavarian interests’ due to the constraints of the state-wide parties to which they belong. As an exclusively Bavarian party, the CSU has no such constraints. Indeed, the CSU's core aim of strengthening Bavaria's position vis-à-vis the German federation may be viewed as akin to that of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia, Spirit in Flanders or Plaid Cymru in Wales. Like these parties, the case of the CSU in Bavaria demonstrates that sub-state territorial mobilisation has as much to do with negotiating autonomy within the state as seceding from it. To that end, the CSU provides a valuable case of how a regionalist party operating within a multi-level political system has sought to influence the regional, state and European levels to obtain a comparative territorial advantage.     

The Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme at the university of South Africa: Is this the right path towards African solutions?

There have been a number of initiatives in Africa to rid the Continent of political instability, conflict, poverty and disease. Many have argued that aid from the West has helped Africa in many ways—from stopping wars, to food relief and rescuing the African environment. Yet others have slated Western involvement which they contend, frequently leaves Africans dependant rather than capable of solving their own problems. In line with the pan-Africanist and the African Union (AU) ideals, there is now a realisation by Africans that there is a need to find African solutions to African challenges and problems. This review article explores the University of South Africa’s (Unisa’s) Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme, by looking at its objectives and the reason why it must be labelled a Programme, its mandate, which is in line with the brief of the AU and pan-Africanist ideals. The article focuses on how Unisa’s programme responds to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG); and how it has attempted to facilitate knowledge for peace in Africa, through empowering electoral officials from various African states. The article concludes by looking at the successes and limitations of the Programme over a five-year period, from its inception in 2011.     

论公民文化视野下少数民族地区民主政治建设

民主政治建设是少数民族地区现代化建设的重要内容,不仅包括制度建设内容,而且也包括政治文化建设的内容。然而,少数民族地区民主建设面临着各少数民族成员民主制度、机制缺乏,民主意识淡薄以及注重宗教信仰、法治意识缺失。要培育少数民族地区民主型政治文化的基础和条件,就不得不建立和完善现代民主制度和机制,充分开发利用各种政治社会化手段。     

Associations among Overt and Relational Victimization and Adolescents’ Satisfaction with Friends: The Moderating Role of the Need for Affective Relationships with Friends

In this study, we analyzed the relationships among overt and relational victimization and adolescents’ satisfaction with friends. We also tested the influence of the need for affective relationships with friends. A total of 409 Italian adolescent boys and girls (age range = 14–16, M = 15.02 years, SD = 2.58) completed a self-report measure of overt and relational victimization, a measure of satisfaction with friends, and a scale to assess the individual need for affective relationships. A negative association between both forms of victimization and levels of satisfaction with friends was found. As hypothesized, the need for affective relationships with friends moderated the relation between relational, but not overt, victimization and satisfaction with friends: Adolescents who reported more need for affective relationships reported the lowest levels of satisfaction when relationally victimized.

民主宪政与社会主义和谐社会的实现

民主宪政是中国自清末立宪运动以来孜孜以求的梦想,也是我国建设“法治国家”的根本目标;而和谐社会作为全面建设小康社会的目标之一,一直是人类追求的美好理想,这两大目标紧密相连,两者相辅相成,缺一不可。只有实现了和谐社会,才能为我国的民主宪政的孕育发展奠定基础;只有实现民主宪政,才能保障和谐社会的实现和健康发展。民主宪政与和谐社会的实现须尊重和保障人权,树立宪法至上的权威和司法公正。