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1.
法兰克福学派的思想观念被运用到国际关系研究之中,推动了以旨在追求人类最终解放的国际关系批判理论的发展。林克莱特继承了经典马克思主义传统和法兰克福学派的研究旨趣,深入探讨了国际关系理论的现实主义、理性主义和革命主义三种研究传统,提出了国际关系批判理论的研究方向。他还身体力行地探讨了政治共同体的转变以及现代公民观念等问题,从而引导了国际关系理论批判的转向。  相似文献   
2.
现代化建设中凸显的各种弊端引人深思,法兰克福学派社会批判理论为我们深刻地反思当代中国社会现代性提供了理论参考。目前我国学者已经在研究法兰克福学派社会批判理论构建历程,分析社会批判理论主题内容等方面取得了重大研究成果,法兰克福学派社会批判理论对当代中国产生了巨大影响。  相似文献   
3.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):271-280
Abstract

This paper explores the paradox of the Frankfurt School's Critical Theory where the notion of "critical theory" became identified with aesthetics and asks whether the disappearance of the political dimension of critical theory was necessary. This disappearance of the political also presents some uncomfortable affinities between it and postmodernism. But in the more sober world after 1989, post-communism poses more relevant questions than post-modernism for an assessment of the history of the Frankfurt School. The political project of the old Frankfurt School has to be revivified - or at least given a decent burial.  相似文献   
4.
批判理论是法兰克福学派的学者对当代资本主义社会的发展现状及其历史进程进行批判性审视的结果,其中蕴含了深刻的政治思想。一方面,批判理论不仅关注当代资本主义社会中的普遍性问题,对实证主义的哲学精神和传统的意识形态理论进行解析和批判;另一方面,批判理论还注重发掘资本主义社会生活中的细节,将对资本逻辑的批判从宏观转向了微观,进而通达其政治诉求。可以认为,从微观视角对批判理论中的政治思想内涵进行探索,不仅能够对其进行深刻理解和阐释,而且能够在新时代背景下将批判理论与当代中国现代化建设进行有机的结合,进而实质性地推进马克思主义中国化的理论进程。  相似文献   
5.
法兰克福学派的生态思想在西方马克思主义生态研究中占据重要位置,它通过研究资本主义社会发展现状、异化消费产生、生态危机的原因,向我们描述了如何了解自然、解放自然过程。通过简要回顾法兰克福学派的生态思想,揭示了法兰克福学派生态思想的着力点,并就其思想给我们当代社会发展现状和生态文明建设的启示做出了几点归纳。  相似文献   
6.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):181-199
Abstract

The core argument of the paper is that the modern philosophical notion of self-constitution is directed against the prospect of human beings dissolving into idleness. Arguments for self-constitution are marked by non-philosophical presuppositions about the value of usefulness. Those arguments also assume a particular conception of superior experience as conscious integration of a person’s actions within an identifiable set of chosen commitments. Exploring particular arguments by Hegel, Kant, Korsgaard and Frankfurt the paper claims that those arguments are problematic in the various ways in which they suppose usefulness and explicitly or implicitly take extra-philosophical views of idleness.  相似文献   
7.
ABSTRACT

This contribution to a journal special issue on comparative populisms investigates the necessity and possibility of queer of color critique’s engaging authoritarian formations in the contemporary moment. Initiated as an examination of neoliberal formations, queer of color critique must – the paper argues – train its interests on and develop its theorizations around the emergence of fascist formations around the globe. To do so, it turns to the anti-fascist work of the Frankfurt School as well as the lesser known anti-fascist writings and insights coming from the black radical tradition, scholarship within North American indigenous studies, and anti-racist feminist cultural production.  相似文献   
8.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(2):93-127
ABSTRACT

Ziege compares two field studies on ethnocentrism, racism and antisemitism among American workers during the Second World War: ‘Antisemitism among American Labor’ (1945) by the Frankfurt Institute of Social Research (ISR) in exile and Wartime Shipyard (1947) by Katherine Archibald at the University of California at Berkeley. The former was a large-scale team project headed by Friedrich Pollock, Theodor W. Adorno and Paul Massing, who had at their disposal a large number of fieldworkers as well as the support of the trade unions. Archibald worked in complete isolation. Yet, in spite of this and major differences in design and theory, the European Marxists and the American liberal came to similar conclusions: hostility towards Jews at that time had to be analysed in connection with hostility towards other groups (including women, Blacks, labourers from the American South and other ethnic and social minorities) and within the context of the war and the Holocaust. While aware of the innovations achieved in research by means of public opinion polls, both studies were pioneering in their ambition to improve on quantitative research by means of non-quantitative procedures and qualitative-participatory observation. Ziege links these studies to a third study, The Authoritarian Personality (1950), conducted by the ISR, particularly Adorno, which poses the question of how relevant the ISR's critical theory was for the innovations achieved in studies of prejudice, when Archibald's study, which eschewed social theory, arrived at similar conclusions regarding antisemitism.  相似文献   
9.
While welcoming Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) as an interesting and valuable addition to the discourse on terrorism studies, this article argues that CTS has some serious shortcomings, particularly in those accounts that draw explicitly on a Frankfurt School approach. The article will mainly engage with three areas: the notion and conceptualisation of ‘critique’, the role of emancipation, and the overstatement of the novelty of CTS. It will argue that the way in which Critical Theory has been incorporated into the study of terrorism does not take sufficient account of the wider philosophical implications and shortcomings inherent in Critical Theory. It then suggests that while the concept of emancipation (which drives the normative agenda of CTS) has been advocated, it is very unclear as to its practical application. CTS scholars, it is argued, cannot simply take ‘emancipation’ out of the different contestations surrounding it by either claiming a (somewhat deceptive) transparency of meaning manifested in ‘liberating the oppressed’ or by retreating into an anti-foundationalist stand in which ‘the concrete content of emancipation cannot and need not be determined in the beginning’. Finally, and in relation to the definition of terrorism in particular, the article argues that the novelty of CTS has been overstated.  相似文献   
10.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(1):94-112
Abstract

This paper focuses on a specific aspect of political imaginaries: political myth. What are political myths? What role do they play within today's commoditized political imaginaries? What are the conditions for setting up a critique of them? We will address these questions, by putting forward a theory of political myth which situates itself between psycho analysis and political philosophy, in line with the tradition of critical theory that many still associate with the name of the Frankfurt School. We will first discuss the notion of political myth by illustrating the contribution of both disciplines to its understanding and then, through a discussion of the notion of social unconscious, we will apply this analysis to a contemporary example of political myth, that of a clash of civilizations.  相似文献   
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