全文获取类型
收费全文 | 488篇 |
免费 | 24篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 36篇 |
世界政治 | 16篇 |
外交国际关系 | 44篇 |
法律 | 55篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 5篇 |
政治理论 | 333篇 |
综合类 | 21篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 24篇 |
2020年 | 38篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 19篇 |
2017年 | 31篇 |
2016年 | 52篇 |
2015年 | 15篇 |
2014年 | 29篇 |
2013年 | 86篇 |
2012年 | 30篇 |
2011年 | 20篇 |
2010年 | 25篇 |
2009年 | 10篇 |
2008年 | 10篇 |
2007年 | 7篇 |
2006年 | 13篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 16篇 |
2003年 | 14篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有512条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
1.
2.
Ian Marsh 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2007,66(3):329-341
This article explores structural causes for the decline in the quality of Australia's political and policy conversations. Three are nominated. The first concerns the changing role of the major party organisations. These no longer contribute to agenda setting; they are no longer forums for activist and interest mobilisation; they no longer mobilise and cue a mass base. The second structural change concerns the rise in the role of the media. This is now the primary bridge between the formal political system and the surrounding society, a role for which it is singularly ill‐equipped. The third change concerns the misalignment between the formal political system and Australian society. The formal system was formed in the early twentieth century when Australian society was broadly divided by class allegiance. Those days are long gone. Class has decomposed. A variety of new concerns differentiate and pluralise social attitudes. Possible remedies are then discussed. 相似文献
3.
无效劳动合同具有自己独特的制度功能与价值取向。法律应当将社会公共利益、第三人利益以及劳动者的合法权益作为判定劳动合同是否有效的一般标准,并据此甄别与清理现行劳动法的相关规定,重新确定无效劳动合同的具体种类。 相似文献
4.
徐步明 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2003,(Z1)
累积投票制度已为世界上许多公司广泛采用 ,作为一种股东行使投票权的制度 ,它在保护中、小股东利益方面起到了重要作用 ,而我国公司法中对此却无规定 ,实为缺憾。本文对累积投票制度作了浅显的探讨 ,以期对完善我国公司立法有所助益 相似文献
5.
Candidates' Ideological Locations,Abstention, and Turnout in U.S. Midterm Senate Elections 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Many spatial models of voting suggest that citizens are more likely to abstain when they feel indifferent toward the candidates or alienated from them. In presidential elections, previous research offers evidence that alienation and indifference affect individuals' probabilities of voting. We find evidence that indifference and alienation also affect the decision to vote in midterm Senate elections, a context not previously explored. These individual-level effects imply that candidates' ideological locations should influence aggregate turnout by affecting the proportions of citizens who feel indifferent toward or alienated from the candidates. Our aggregate-level analysis supports this (at least in contests featuring two previous and/or future members of Congress). Our findings underscore the importance of the electoral context for understanding citizen behavior and suggest that elections featuring at least one centrist candidate may be normatively appealing since they stimulate participation. 相似文献
6.
《Electoral Studies》1998,17(4):483-503
Despite various electoral reforms enacted in Mexico between 1988 and 1994, large numbers of Mexicans doubted the honesty of elections and the general integrity of their country's policy making process. Such doubts did not automatically lead, however, to support for opposition parties that called for greater democratization. Rather, voter preferences were largely dependent on judgments about the opposition's viability and competence. Widespread suspicions about fraud and corruption in Mexico did affect electoral outcomes by making it less likely that potential opposition supporters turned out to vote. Data are drawn from seven national public opinion surveys conducted in Mexico in 1986, 1988, 1991, 1994 (3 polls), and 1995. 相似文献
7.
Manipulative mixed messages from candidates to voters affect what governments are entitled to do in office. A party that wins an election gains a 'mandate to rule'. But there is a second type of mandate: a 'policy mandate' to enact specific policy proposals central to the winning party's campaign. Mixed-message politics in general can undermine policy mandates, and the use of 'dog whistle politics' - telling one group of voters one thing, while allowing or encouraging another group to believe another - makes the inferring of policy mandates especially problematic. Referendums provide only a partial remedy to dog whistle politics. Winning a clear policy mandate means forgoing dog whistle politics, despite the short term electoral advantage they may deliver. 相似文献
8.
This paper explores the conditions under which voters in emerging democracies support non-viable candidates. We argue that cognitive biases and the geographic clustering of minor-party supporters in ethno-political enclaves lead to misperceptions about the electoral prospects of minor-party candidates, weakening strategic defections both among co-ethnic and non-co-ethnic supporters. We explore these arguments using original survey data from Kenya's 2007 presidential election, a contest that featured a minor-party candidate, Kalonzo Musyoka, who stood little chance of electoral victory. Despite this, results show that most of his supporters chose to vote for the candidate, failing to perceive that he was not a viable contender. The findings suggest that theories of political behavior in multi-ethnic settings can be enriched by drawing upon insights from the political psychology literature on belief formation. 相似文献
9.
The literature on electoral volatility and the literature on electoral campaigns hold contradictory views on voters switching vote (intention) during the campaign. In this note, we shed new light on this contradiction, making two contributions. First, we investigate the extent to which stable and volatile voters choose the correct party. Second, we distinguish levels of correct voting and the impact of the act of switching on the correctness of the vote. Our analyses of vote-switching in American elections show that, while volatile voters are less likely to vote correctly, they are more likely to switch from an incorrect to the correct party than vice versa. Furthermore, we show that following the campaign more closely makes voters more likely to switch vote (intention) towards the correct party. 相似文献
10.
Erika J. van Elsas Andreas C. Goldberg Claes H. de Vreese 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2019,29(3):341-360
EU issue voting in European Parliament elections has been shown to be highly conditional upon levels of EU politicization. The present study analyzes this conditionality over time, hypothesizing that the effect of EU attitudes on EP vote preferences is catalyzed as EP elections draw closer. In contrast to extant cross-sectional post-election studies, we use a four-wave panel study covering the six months leading up to the Dutch EP elections of 2014, differentiating between party groups (pro, anti, mixed) and five EU attitude dimensions. We find that EU issue voting occurs for both anti- and pro-EU parties, but only increases for the latter. For mixed parties we find no effect of EU attitudes, yet their support base shifts in the anti-EU direction as the elections draw closer. The overarching image, however, is one of surprising stability: EU attitudes form a consistent part of EP voting motivations even outside EP election times. 相似文献