试论肯尼迪政府联合印尼对华遏制孤立政策

中美关系解冻前,印尼在美国对华冷战政策中一直居于突出地位。肯尼迪非常看重它的国力及其在不结盟世界的影响,他联合印尼遏制孤立中国的意图比艾森豪威尔明显加强。但围绕西伊里安问题、马来西亚问题,美国与盟国矛盾激化,这在某种程度上避免了他在拉苏加诺加入反华轨道时可能采取的极端决策,肯尼迪政府借助印尼强化对华遏制孤立的政策作法最后与初衷背道而驰。     

Synchronization of the acoustic evidence in the assassination of President Kennedy

We have revisited the acoustic evidence in the Kennedy assassination--recordings of the two Dallas police radio channels upon which our original NRC report (Ramsey NF et al., Report of the Committee on Ballistic Acoustics. National Research Council (US). Washington: National Academy Press, 1982. Posted at http://www.nap.edu/catalog/10264.html) was based--in response to the assertion by DB Thomas (Echo correlation analysis and the acoustic evidence in the Kennedy assassination revisited. Science and Justice 2001; 41: 21-32) that alleged gunshot sounds (on Channel 1), apparently recorded from a motorcycle officer's stuck-open microphone, occur at the exact time of the assassination (as established by emergency communications on Channel 2). We have critically reviewed these two publications, and have performed additional analyses. In particular we have used recorded 60 Hz hum and correlation methods to obtain accurate speed calibrations for recordings made on both channels, cepstral analysis to seek instances of repeated segments during playback of Channel 2 (which could result from groove jumping), and spectrographic and correlation methods to analyze instances of putative crosstalk used to synchronize the two channels. This paper identifies serious errors in the Thomas paper and corrects errors in the NRC report. We reaffirm the earlier conclusion of the NRC report that the alleged "shot" sounds were recorded approximately one minute after the assassination.     

Remarks

This study analyzes the ways in which the issue (or issues) of religion and politics were shaped during the 1984 campaign partially by the exigencies of political rhetoric and partially by the logic of the problem itself. The form in which the issue(s) of religion and politics came into view is traced in four addresses: one each by President Reagan, Walter Mondale, Senator Edward Kennedy, and Governor Mario Cuomo. One premise of this study is that such political speeches are in some sense and to some extent rational discourse aimed at persuading the unpersuaded that the speakers’ moral, political, and constitutional perceptions are cognitively superior to opposing perceptions. The author finds two substantive issues in the argument: the “toleration/church and state” issue and the “relation of Catholic moral principles and public policy” issue. The manner in which the speakers defend their position on these issues is explicated so as to reveal the strengths and weaknesses in each speaker's formulation. The limits of the accuracy of each side's rhetoric are identified in such a way that it becomes evident they are debating importantly different interpretations of principles on which they nominally agree. It is argued that the core of the debate concerned whether religious citizens have a right to try to change the drift towards an exclusion of religious traditions and practices and of religiously based moral values from a place in our public policy or whether such exclusion is required constitutionally and hence attempts to change its attack or undermine the Constitution.     

How to control interception-does the UK strike the right balance?

This Article critically analyses the regime for intercepting the content of communications under the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 in the light of the recent ruling by the European Court of Human Rights in Kennedy v the UK. It looks at the safeguards for privacy protection provided such as the requirement for a warrant and the roles of the Investigatory Powers Tribunal and the Interception of Communications Commissioner and whether these safeguards are compliant with Article 8 of the European Convention of Human Rights.     

肯尼迪政府与印（尼）荷西伊里安领土争端的和平解决（1961—1962）

西伊里安争端，是荷兰与印尼因西伊里安地区的主权移交问题而引发的一场长达10余年的领土争端，争端在1960年代初发展为危机事态，双方一度将形势推到战争的边缘。美国作为印（尼）荷之间的主要平衡力量，长期以来奉行亲荷的消极中立政策。肯尼迪政府上台后，经过曲折的转变，最终改变了美国以往在该问题上的消极政策，通过积极的外交斡旋和联合国的干预，使这场区域领土危机得以和平解决。探讨肯尼迪政府对西伊里安问题的决策转变过程对研究冷战与反殖民主义的关系，以及分析美国处理他国领土问题的外交政策具：育重要意义。     

Perfect Failure: the USA,Cuba and the Bay of Pigs, 1961

In 1961 the US Central Intelligence Agency master‐minded a sea‐borne invasion by Cuban exiles aimed at overthrowing the regime headed by Fidel Castro. With minimal logistical support from the USA the attempted counter‐coup launched at the Bay of Pigs was an unqualified disaster: a ‘perfect failure’, in the words of an authoritative contemporary. This essay locates the fiasco in the longer history of US–Cuban relations, concentrating on the Cold War years, the history of US political intervention and subversion in Latin America, and the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista and the rise of Castro himself—both men offering different models of Latin American caudillismo (the power and cult of military strongmen). The essay concludes with an analysis of Cuba as an issue in US domestic politics and the impact of the Bay of Pigs in consolidating the Cuban revolution and setting the framework for the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962.     

哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院课程与学位结构分析

哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院在每一学年为研究生开设超过200门的课程,这些课程除强调基础理论方法、手段方面的政策与制度分析、公共组织的战略管理、政治主张及领导艺术外,还包括企业和政府政策、健康照料政策等12个专业领域的课程。肯尼迪政府学院硕士学位有MPA、MPP等多种类型,博士学位研究方向有公共政策、健康卫生政策、政治经济和政府、政府与社会政策等4个领域。     

Liberal Democrat Leadership: The Cases of Ashdown and Kennedy

Effective leadership of the Liberal Democrats requires a combination of strengths: communications skills, a clear agenda, the ability to manage the party and personal abilities, including stamina, self-confidence and a love for the party itself. This article assesses Paddy Ashdown's and Charles Kennedy's periods as leader. It concludes that the first two phases of Ashdown's leadership were successful: he first ensured the party's survival and then positioned it so that it was able to benefit from the rise in support for the centre-left without being squeezed out by Labour. In the third phase, however, the attempt to deliver a common agenda with Labour was a failure, and Ashdown increasingly lost touch with his own party. Kennedy's first two years as leader were also relatively successful, but after that his leadership fell apart, suffering from a lack of an agenda, a failure of party management, a weakness in communication skills and a lack of self-confidence. His underlying problem was not alcoholism; it was that he was not capable of being an effective leader.     

Change and Continuity in the Liberal Democrat General Election Campaign of 2005

This article analyses the Liberal Democrat general election campaign of 2005, with special attention to developments in the party between 2001 and 2005. It argues that there was significant change in policy during that period, towards an agenda emphasising decentralisation and 'tough liberalism'. However, this did not significantly alter the party's overall message from that of 2001, which remained focused on policies such as scrapping university tuition fees. Meanwhile, there was great continuity in campaign strategy and tactics, particularly because of the influence of the party's Chief Executive, Lord Rennard. Tactical innovations in 2005 stemmed from the party's success at fundraising, rather than any decision that new methods of campaigning were necessary. The article concludes with a critical assessment of the campaign, and examines the issues which are likely to arise in forthcoming debates on Liberal Democrat strategy, policy and leadership.