浅探我国法律援助制度的科学发展

法律援助制度是我国保护“弱势群体”的最后也是最有力的救济手段,它的内涵以及它制定的最终目标都体现出“以人为本”、实现“可持续发展”这一主题。它在我国取得了迅速的发展,也在为“弱势群体”提供法律服务方面取得了显著成绩。但是目前,我国的法律援助工作仍面临着许多困难,存在着许多不足,本文主要探讨如何去加以科学的发展和完善。     

论公民文化视野下少数民族地区民主政治建设

民主政治建设是少数民族地区现代化建设的重要内容,不仅包括制度建设内容,而且也包括政治文化建设的内容。然而,少数民族地区民主建设面临着各少数民族成员民主制度、机制缺乏,民主意识淡薄以及注重宗教信仰、法治意识缺失。要培育少数民族地区民主型政治文化的基础和条件,就不得不建立和完善现代民主制度和机制,充分开发利用各种政治社会化手段。     

关于边疆民族地区建设社会主义新农村的哲学思考

我们党提出和实施建设社会主义新农村,既是战略性的考虑也是客观需要。反映了党和政府与时俱进的思维和谋略,它尊重和体现了马克思主义的哲学原理。边疆民族地区建设社会主义新农村有它的特殊性,从哲学的角度,可以从六个方面进行思考。     

贵州少数民族贫困女大学生科学素质现状及培养途径研究

文章在对贵州少数民族贫困女大学生的科学素质状况进行调查分析的基础上,提出对这一特殊群体进行科学素质的培养目标、教育、培养的途径与对策。     

对苗族传统体育文化的分析研究

苗族传统体育,根据内容和形式的不同可分为:竞技类、娱乐类、配合节庆习俗类。具有娱乐性、审美性、传统性等特征,在未来的发展中,本文就如何规范苗族传统体育竞技,如何保持民族特色等问题进行了研究与论述。笔者认为上述问题是当前苗族传统体育中较为重要的问题,在此与大家共同切磋。     

少数民族地区乡村旅游发展与和谐社会构建研究

乡村旅游已成为我国旅游业新的增长点和亮点。我国少数民族地区的绝大多数乡村有条件、有市场顺应国际国内旅游业发展的潮流发展乡村旅游。实践证明,少数民族地区开展乡村旅游对构建和谐社会起着多方面的积极作用。少数民族地区乡村应把握好乡村旅游的开发原则,探索其开发的有效途径,实现少数民族地区乡村的经济发展与全面和谐。     

教育与文化传承:贵州少数民族教育存在的两个问题

忽视少数民族语言和文化是贵州少数民族教育存在的两个问题。有选择的文化传承成为现代学校教育的重要特征之一,也是阻碍少数民族文化传承的主要根源。贵州文化的多元性与现代学校教育的排他性之间的矛盾关系根源于:文化中心主义、高度集中的教育管理制度、文化商业功利性和少数民族话语权缺失。     

运用卡特尔16PF对边疆少数民族大学生心理健康状况调查

本文采用问卷调查和田野调查相结合的方法。首先从边疆9省中随机抽取了1000名生源地在边疆的少数民族在校大学生,运用卡特尔16PF对他们进行心理测验,结果发现边疆少数民族大学生心理健康水平显著低于全国一般水平,男生与女生之间的健康水平也存在显著差异。在影响心理健康水平的4个因素中,忧虑性对男女生的心理健康都有显著影响,而紧张性因素只对女生的心理健康有显著影响。同时,通过田野调查探讨了影响少数民族大学生心理健康的原因。     

Adolescents’ Educational Outcomes: Racial and Ethnic Variations in Peer Network Importance

Little attention has been paid to the role of peer social capital in the school context, especially as a predictor of adolescents’ academic outcomes. This study uses a nationally representative (N = 13,738, female = 51%), longitudinal sample and multilevel models to examine how peer networks impact educational achievement and attainment. Results reveal that, in addition to those factors typically associated with academic outcomes (e.g., school composition), two individual-level peer network measures, SES and heterogeneity, had significant effects. Although educational attainment was generally worse in low SES schools, for all ethnic groups higher attainment was associated with attending schools with higher concentrations of minority students. At the individual level, however, membership in integrated peer networks was negatively related to high school graduation for Asians, Latinos, and non-Hispanic whites, and to GPA for Asians and Latinos, as only African-American achievement increased in more racially/ethnically heterogeneous peer networks. Our results suggest that co-ethnic and co-racial peer friendship networks should not be viewed as obstacles to the educational accomplishments of today’s youth. In fact, in many cases the opposite was true, as results generally support the ethnic social capital hypothesis while providing little corroboration for oppositional culture theory. Results also suggest that co-racial and co-ethnic ties may mediate the negative effects of school choice, or more specifically of between-school socioeconomic segregation. Consequently, we conclude that school policies aimed at socioeconomic desegregation are likely to beneficially affect the academic outcomes of all race/ethnic groups.

British Communists and the 1932 turn to the trade unions

Abstract

The Comintern’s Third Period, 1928–1934, based on Stalin’s ‘second revolution’ in Russia, capitalist crisis and the claim that social democracy and fascism were twins, generated sectarian, ultra-left politics which proved inimical to Communist activity in trade unions. This article sheds new light on that issue by exploring three connected episodes: the British party’s (CPGB) renewed turn to the unions, heralded in the January resolution of 1932; the roles the Comintern and CPGB leader Harry Pollitt played in this initiative; and the subsequent attempt by Pollitt to revise the politics of union work. This triptych reviews both primary sources and recent historiography. It argues that some accounts have overestimated the novelty of the January resolution, blurred its meaning and exaggerated Pollitt’s part in it. The resolution did not attempt to change the line but its application. Its impact was limited. Bids to go beyond it were muddled and unsuccessful. The 1933 move towards the united front, and subsequently the popular front, was of greater significance in creating an effective Communist presence in trade unions than the events of 1931–1932.