网络词汇构造的修辞学阐释

修辞不仅是增强语言交际效果的重要手段，也是一种重要的造词方式。网络词汇构造的修辞动因有谐音、反语、隐喻、仿拟、叠加等，传达了特定的意图，创造了特殊的表达效果。     

作为社会共同体建构技术的法律修辞

法律不是一种纯粹客观的物质性力量,其对社会治理的参与,需要借助于社会共同体所分享的共识发挥作用。就此而言,法律可被理解为一种想象的力量。法律作为社会共同体的想象而获得力量,同时也通过生产想象而作用于社会共同体的建构,在实践中表现出建构社会共同体的技术。法律修辞通过将话语组织起来的方式,在社会中生产关于法律的想象共识,从而成为一种社会共同体的建构技术。法律修辞既能通过叙事来指引关于共同生活经验的想象,以历史和现实中所分享的共同经验形成认同,从而建构社会共同体;又能通过论证来指引关于共同价值观念的想象,使彼此激烈冲突的不同价值观借助修辞的软化而达成某种程度的共识,并通过关于价值判断的认同建构社会共同体。法律修辞的这些特点,使之在形成共识时所达成的更多是相对共识而非绝对共识,表现出模糊的特征,从而达成不完全理论化合意来回应现代社会中价值判断的多元分歧,更有利于社会共同体的建构。     

谈警用口语的特征及应遵循的原则

警用口语是一种特殊的言语交际类型,是口语的一种变体,它有着自身鲜明的言语特征,即警用口语的逻辑性、可接受性、策略性和言语交际对象的对抗性。为了使警用口语达到得体的目的,警用口语必须遵循四个原则:适合语境原则、交际双方的协调原则、礼貌原则和诚信原则。只有如此,才能满足警察工作复杂的言语交际需要,完成警察口语交际的功能。     

Partisan Discourse,Polarization, and the Politics of Military Fatalities in Iraq

Public deliberation on the costs of war is important to democratic decision-making. This article explores congressional rhetoric about military fatalities within the U.S. House of Representatives and in television news media interviews from 2004 to 2006. In the House, the results are consistent with the “ideological opportunism” model of congressional rhetoric, which suggests that politicians–particularly the president’s partisan opponents–will be highly communicative about combat deaths in an effort to express ideological perspectives on war and criticize opponents’ positions. The results also show that as local combat fatalities accumulate, the president’s partisan opponents tend to become increasingly vocal about these deaths. The results do not support the “newsworthiness” model of congressional rhetoric in TV media interviews, which expects opposition party support and presidential party criticism of the president. Politicians on the far ends of the ideological spectrum dominate discussions about the loss of troops in the House, and politicians in both the House and TV news interviews advance largely unwavering partisan positions on the conduct of war. The findings suggest members of Congress reinforce political polarization in debates over the use of force.     

Economic sanctions and the rhetorical responses of totalitarian regimes: Examining North Korean rhetorical strategies, 1949–2010

This study investigates the impact of economic statecraft on the North Korean Government. As a totalitarian regime, which is characterized by a controlled mass media, the North Korean Government tries to contain potential problems caused by sanctions by using three types of political rhetoric: appeasement, backlash, and surveillance. Using time-series data from 1949 to 2010 derived from a content analysis of the New Year's Day addresses by Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong Un, the empirical results suggests that the North Korean Government does alter its rhetorical strategies in response to external economic sanctions. Negative sanctions cause the regime to use appeasement strategies (or calls for reforms and internal changes). It tends to use backlash rhetoric (or blaming the sanctioning powers) in response to, interestingly, positive sanctions. Surveillance rhetoric, or the call for internal vigilance against enemies, on the other hand, does not have any statistical connection with sanctions, rather driven by other factors, such as the Korean War, external instability, and so on.     

法官思维中的艺术——基于一种博弈的立场

法官的思维游离于有与无之间、贫与富之间、生与死之间。之所以如此评价,是因为法官思维的瞬间转换便可能使某人失去了财产、自由、子女甚至生命,因此法官的思维对案件判决结果有终极意义。所以本文拟以法官的三种对立型思维博弈的为切入点,得出了对克制性、独断性、修辞性思维的推崇。但深究起来,三类思维的背后都是一种对法律规则的回归,因此法律思维的艺术本质上就是一种信仰规则的艺术。     

佩雷尔曼新修辞学的论式系统

佩雷尔曼新修辞学恢复了古典论式理论的荣耀。新修辞学论式系统是对不确定条件下推理形式的分析，虽然这些推理形式是实践中不可或缺的，但笛卡尔时代以来一直被逻辑学家和知识理论家所忽视。论式是新修辞学论辩理论的核心。在新修辞学的论式系统里，亚里士多德“更可取的”topoi被用作与价值和价值层级相关联的推理前提——论证的出发点，因而与涉及推理形式的其他辩证推理发挥不同功能。新修辞学的论式在论辩中既生成说服力，也展现合理性；既与听众及其文化环境相联系，也通过论式的相反形式与论辩攻防相联系。新修辞学的论式，尤其是“准逻辑”论式与法律论证关系密切，对法律论证的辨识、结构分析、论证构建和批评有重要意义。     

Multilateral cooperation for development in the caribbean basin: An agenda‐dynamics framework

Since the U.S. Congress approved some of the provisions of the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI) in July 1983, U.S., Canadian, Asian and European businesses have demonstrated increasing investment interests in Latin America and the Caribbean. The CBI offers, among other incentives, free trade for Caribbean Basin products exported to the United States, and financial and technical assistance to the region's private sector.

This article applies the agenda‐dynamics framework of persuasive‐manipulative communication to the implementation of programs such as the CBI and to the formulation of development strategies for the Caribbean Basin. According to the framework, development in a nation is a function of the perceptions, preferences and actions of people associated with each of three agendas (media, public and policy), as well as the interplay of the agendas. The article emphasizes the need for agencies to develop and broaden development policies in response to Caribbean realities. Finally, it also considers the broad implications of multilateral cooperation for accomplishing wide‐ranging development programs in the Basin nations.