Adaptation and Appropriation on the Colonial Frontier: Indigenous Leadership in the Colombian Chocó, 1670–1808

This article explores the consequences for the native population of the Colombian Chocó of the emergence, over the course of the eighteenth century, of an elite of caciques and indios mandones or principales whose functions of powers far exceeded those of the warrior chiefs that had traditionally acted as leaders of their people. Appointed for the purpose of facilitating the collection of tribute and the supply of labour to European settlers, caciques and mandones were almost universally rejected by native communities during the early phases of Spanish colonisation (c. 1630–1690), and they disappear from the historical record after Independence. Eighteenth‐century sources, however, not only record the existence of a clearly defined elite of mandones or principales in villages across the region, but show these individuals engaging actively with the colonial authorities, on behalf of their communities, at local and audiencia levels. This article argues that, at a time of a much strengthened European presence in the region, caciques and mandones came to understand their roles in ways that were entirely different from those intended by the Spanish, and in so doing acquired the legitimacy that had eluded their seventeenth‐century predecessors. Far from serving merely as intermediaries between settlers and indigenous populations, indios mandones acted as negotiators on behalf of the indigenous population, whose task was to defend and/or advance the interests of the communities they had been appointed to control.     

和谐社会建设视阈中的社会力量培育

党的十六届六中全会首次聚焦"社会建设",这昭示着我国政府职能即将开始一次真正意义的转型,它标志着以个人社会权利为中心的整体性社会建设的开始。从人类社会历史发展过程中国家权力向社会公民权利回归的历程分析,总结浙江的现实经验,可以看出,培育与国家公共权力相对应并能与之进行有效互动、制衡的社会力量,应是和谐社会建设的一个基础要件。     

强化内需驱动确保经济平稳较快发展

投资、消费、对外贸易被视为经济增长的"三驾马车",它们共同影响着经济增长的基本态势。在不同的发展阶段,投资、消费、对外贸易对经济增长的拉动作用各不相同,政府的重视程度也存在较大差异。目前,在外贸和投资支撑面临双重压力的情况下,启动内需,发挥内需对经济增长的驱动作用已经成为急需解决的重要问题。     

孙中山生产力思想浅论

孙中山对生产力的基本内涵进行了科学的阐述 ,他认为 ,科学技术的发展对提高人类社会的生产力水平起到了决定性的作用     

私人保镖能否成为保安服务公司的业务范围

随着市场经济的迅速发展,公民越来越注重对个人人身安全的保护。私人保镖能否纳入保安服务公司的业务范围一直颇具争议。分析我国保安服务业的现有业务工作情况,将私人保镖纳入保安服务公司业务范围,以求发展和完善我国保安服务业。     

论我国少数民族社会生产力的跨越式发展

生产力是少数民族社会发展的最终决定力量;科学技术是第一生产力,是推动少数民族社会全面进步的伟大杠杆。我国少数民族社会必须通过科技建设与技术创新、民族教育的建设与创新、管理创新、民族文化的创新和发展,实现生产力的跨越式发展,促进少数民族经济社会的全面发展。     

从唯物史观视野探析生态危机形成的根源

人类面临生态危机已成为共识,而全球生态环境的恶化仍在继续;究其原因,有人主张是“人类中心主义”。然而,形成生态危机的原因错综复杂,不能简单地归咎于“人类中心主义”。用马克思主义唯物史观分析,生态危机的形成与生产力、生产关系(经济基础)乃至上层建筑都有关系。     

Violent attacks on education in the tribal areas of Pakistan and the role of NGOs in providing educational services

Education is no longer safe from attacks during times of armed conflict. In many regions of the world, armed groups intentionally target schools, teachers and students and violate the right of children to get an education. Such is the case in Pakistan, where militant violence and continued armed conflict has disrupted the education of hundreds of thousands of children, particularly girls. The present study addresses a call for a better understanding of how non-governmental organisations (NGOs) function and contribute to peace-building and development through the provision of educational services in conflict zones. Based on field research, the study finds that in spite of challenges, NGOs have been playing a vital role in providing educational services to the conflict-affected communities. Disseminating information, solutions for resuming education, improving school enrolment, psychosocial support and promoting quality education lies at the forefront of NGOs’ battle in the tribal areas of Pakistan. However, the state needs a comprehensive policy to protect education from violent attacks.     

Interrogating the Interface of Partisan Public Security Forces,Cynical Electorate,and the Hazards of Electioneering in Nigeria

Elections in Nigeria are usually ferociously contested. Thus the risks of violence are always high, particularly for the electorate. Violence becomes such a seeming permanent feature of political competition in the country that electioneering is seen as the equivalent of war and political gladiators as combatants. The intervention of public security forces to enforce sanity in the process appears counterproductive because of their level of partisanship. The voters become victims in such circumstances such that they are precariously hooked in between the choice of endangering their lives in a country riddled with impunity or exercising their voting rights for good governance and a better future. The essay argues that as much as the relevance of security forces in electioneering may not be underestimated, their presence often undermines the process, fueling an atmosphere of violence. The article submits that a more civil approach/strategy should be factored into their operations with a view to ensuring a level playing ground and safety for all stakeholders in the electoral process.