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1.
Guillermo O’Donnell’s influential work ‘Delegative Democracy’ set the discourse on a peculiar type of democracy. Lying between representative democracy and authoritarianism, the uniqueness of delegative democracy lies in its features, including an absence of horizontal accountability, strong centralised rule, individual leadership with unchecked powers, a cult figure embodying the nation and clientelist practices. While delegative democracies seem to arise out of presidential systems, Turkey, though a parliamentary system, has also displayed the distinctive features of delegative democracies. This paper identifies three characteristics of delegative democracy, which are responsible for the lack of democratic consolidation, if not the erosion of democracy itself: anti-institutionalism, an anti-political agenda and clientelism. Arguing that delegative democracy is the best concept with which to examine contemporary Turkey, the paper lays out how, post-2011, Turkey has demonstrated the three elements of delegative democracy. The final section discusses the implications of the Turkish case for scrutinising the very possibility of delegative democracy in parliamentary regimes.  相似文献   
2.
ABSTRACT

The present article aims to expand scholarship on the political role of social media by focusing on the case of Facebook and the self-determination claims of Turkish Cypriots vis-à-vis Turkey. Drawing upon a virtual ethnography of relevant Facebook sites and groups, this article scrutinises whether social media offer an innovative public platform for the politics of self-determination or on-line claims are in reality formed and negotiated in the same manner as the offline ones. The article concludes that Turkish Cypriots’ Facebook activism may very well be for strengthening their community, shielding their distinct characteristics from mainland Turkey and raising their self-esteem, rather than indicating demands for complete autonomy in the traditional political sense of the word and/or statehood.  相似文献   
3.
最高人民法院2002年4月1日施行的《关于民事诉讼证据的若干规定)封举证责任的分配原则起到了重要的补充作用,但对诉讼中的否认、抗辩仍然没有做出规定,造成司法实践中的混乱。本文从民事诉讼中“主张者”的证明责任、“主张者”的举证责任分配概念出发,探析“否定者不承担举证责任”在司法实践中的适用。  相似文献   
4.
王鹏 《行政与法》2008,(1):61-63
行政诉讼案件的症结所在是司法体制问题。独立行政法院的设立不能从本质上解决行政诉讼所存在的问题。因此,解决行政诉讼案件的难点应放在改变司法机关地位和增强司法机关的独立性上,不必要对现有的行政诉讼案件的审判体制做大幅度的改革。  相似文献   
5.
论抗辩与抗辩权   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
抗辩权包含在抗辩之中。抗辩权乃专指对抗他人请求权行使的权利。抗辩权具有永久性、无被侵害可能性、不可单独让与性、无相对义务观念性等四个特征。抗辩和抗辩权之间、抗辩和反诉及否认和反驳之间,都存在着明显的区别。  相似文献   
6.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):305-316
ABSTRACT

Sommer examines the (re-)emergence of anti-capitalist and anti-globalization themes within the ideology and discourses of the German extreme right. He argues that it would be short-sighted to interpret this development simply as another opportunistic attempt by the extreme right to incorporate Zeitgeist issues into its political agenda in order to appeal to a broader spectrum of supporters. An analysis of the latest campaigns of the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD)—the most successful extreme-right party in recent years—as well as the activities of groups that exist within the larger German extreme-right milieu, the so-called freie Kameradschaften, reveals that the taking up of social questions as well as anti-capitalist and anti-globalization themes marks a deeper shift within the political agenda of the extreme right in Germany. However, the analysis shows that racist and antisemitic issues do not disappear with this shift, but are linked with and incorporated into anti-capitalist and anti-globalization discourses.  相似文献   
7.
The aim of this study was to investigate whether or not the Greulich-Pyle (GP) method is adequate for Turkish children. A group of 767 individuals (425 girls and 342 boys) between 7 and 17 years were studied. Bone age (BA) from plain radiographs of left hands and wrists by GP standards was estimated. The total mean differences between BA and chronological age (CA) for girls and boys were found to be 0.20 and -0.13 years, respectively. There were significant differences between BA and CA in age groups 7-, 8-, 10-, 11-, 12-, 13-, 15-, and 16-year-olds for girls and 7-, 10-, and 12-year-olds for boys. The results of this study suggest that the mean differences between BA and CA are low enough to be of no practical significance, and thus, for the time being unless any other methods will be proved more useful, this method could be used in all age groups.  相似文献   
8.
On 25 July 1950, a month after the beginning of the Korean War, the newly elected Democratic Party (DP) in Turkey announced that a brigade would be sent to assist South Korea as part of the UN mission led by the United States. The main argument of this article is that although the DP regime is considered a secular and Kemalist one, the state continued the Ottoman tradition and practice of using Islam to gain support for the war and to mobilize the Turkish nation. To do so, the article will show the similarity of both the means and the content of religious propaganda used in the Korean War to those used in the Ottoman jihad in the First World War. This article suggests that parts of the public understood the war as a religious conflict and not just as an ideological one thus indicating the success of the religious messages and their efficiency.  相似文献   
9.
拒止性威慑的思想源远流长,作为一种军事战略的拒止性威慑具有广泛性、实时性和受挑战性三个主要特点。拒止性威慑的思路相比惩罚性威慑更具操作性,在信息化战争时代也更具优势。美国战略学界认为,在西太平洋地区中美实力日渐接近的情况下,对华拒止性威慑战略是较优选项。美国对华拒止性威慑战略兴于特朗普政府时期,其主要特点是加强军事系统弹性能力建设与发展新战区导弹防御体系。拜登政府则在“一体化威慑”框架下应用对华拒止性威慑,发展深度防御能力。美国对拒止性威慑战略的理解与应用已经突破了传统意义上偏重防御的拒止性威慑模式。该战略的目标是联合盟友阻止中国在西太平洋地区的快速军事行动,维持和巩固在该地区的军事主导权。虽然美国对华拒止性威慑战略的实践受到了诸多内外因素制约,但其给中美带来的负面影响仍在不断加深,并对地区安全构成巨大挑战。中国需要主动培塑有利于军力发展的良好环境,发展新技术装备,应对美国对华拒止性威慑战略实践造成的军事胁迫,降低各类战略风险。  相似文献   
10.
论单位人格否认之法理   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
单位人格否认法理,是指对于缺乏独立人格的单位所实施的犯罪,否认该单位具有单位犯罪主体的人格,进而直接追究单位背后操纵犯罪的自然人或者其他单位的刑事责任。单位人格否认论,以单位人格的二元构造和间接正犯的理论为基础,其适用范围包括单位缺乏合法身份、缺乏犯罪能力和缺乏刑罚适应能力的场合。幕后操纵者是自然人的,以自然人犯罪处罚;幕后操纵者是有独立人格的单位的,以单位犯罪处罚。  相似文献   
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