Modernization discourse with Chinese characteristics

Despite sustained criticism of Western modernization theory since the 1970s, several distinct groups of theorists have sought to renovate it. Further, some of the strongest evidence of the theory's continued vitality comes from discussions of China, the fastest developing contemporary society. A close reading of a diverse group of texts reveals that a lively, creative, and global Chinese modernization discourse has emerged in recent decades. That discourse draws heavily on classical modernization theorists like Max Weber, acknowledges the successors and critics, and often integrates these Western theories with Chinese social and philosophical traditions. This essay maps the Chinese modernization discourse, highlights its relationships with other modernization discourses, and situates it within historical and theoretical contexts.     

马克斯·韦伯的法理型统治学说探析

在《经济与社会》一书中马克斯·韦伯阐述了理想类型的体系,其中有关统治的类型情况则集中地表。达了马克斯·韦伯关于统治类型的学说,魅力型统治、传统型统治、法理型统治是合法性统治的三种类型。探析马克斯·韦伯关于法理型统治及其基本条件的学说和观点,对推进社会主义法治国家的构建具有重要的意义。     

The Ethical Irrationality of the World: Weber and Hindu Ethics

Abstract

This paper argues that Weber ought to be read as a comparative ethicist who brings his German intellectual inheritance, especially Schopenauer and Nietzsche, to a dialogue with ethical traditions in India and China. It shows that Weber not only had a supple understanding of the tensions within Hindu ethics, his own account of value often closely corresponds to Hindu axiology and was enriched by an encounter with it.     

中国古代官僚制审视——兼与现代官僚制的比较

马克斯·韦伯提出的理性官僚制理论适应并促进了资本主义的工业文明,在很长的历史时期,官僚制组织成为西方社会的基本组织形态。中国在秦朝时期就建立了中央集权制的封建国家,其行政组织体系具有自己独特的组织规则和运作过程,具备现代官僚制组织的某些特征。但是,中国传统官僚制度是建立在以家长制形式组织起来的家族制度基础之上的,与马克斯.韦伯所倡导的现代理性官僚制存在着根本的区别。对二者的差异进行分析和比较,有助于加深对现代官僚制的理解,从而为现阶段我国行政管理体制改革提供借鉴和启示。     

现代社会的法律自治——韦伯论现代法律的自治性

韦伯的社会学是作为包括法律科学在内的整个社会科学的基础而出现的,为我们理解法律现象提供了一个基于社会理论的＂外在视角＂。以韦伯的法律社会学为基础考察法律自治性的社会理论依据,可以为我们理解包括法律自治在内的现代法律现象提供一把钥匙。     

重温形式理性法律的特质——韦伯视野及当代价值

韦伯认为直至现代资本主义阶段,形式合理性法律开始形成并成为最具合理性的法律形态。韦伯视野中的形式理性法律具有权威性、确定性、平等性、自治性、专业性、合法性等特质。总结、重温和厉行这些形式理性法律特质,对于我国当下经济建设和法治建设都具有重要的启发价值。     

社会科学是否遗忘了“正当”问题——评列奥·斯特劳斯的《自然权利与历史》

德国历史主义主导的社会科学,遗忘了对"正当"问题的思考,因而对当代社会的虚无主义与道德沦丧负有不可推卸的责任,这是列奥.斯特劳斯批判社会科学的基本立场。这篇文章试图检讨这种批判的得失,并认为社会科学,就其本义而言,恰恰是通过"倒置"自然法学说的推理逻辑,为个人的自我治理与社会秩序的建设提供知性的支持。社会科学是作为科学,而不是作为意识形态的道德褒贬,来承当"应然"与"实然"之间的中间桥梁的任务。     

Fragile States: A Donor-serving Concept? Issues with Interpretations of Fragile Statehood in Afghanistan

Abstract

The paradox of attempting to (re)construct state institutions without considering the socio-political cohesion of societies recurs throughout the world, most notably today in the Middle East, Africa and the Balkans. This essay tries to shed some light on the debate around the concepts of state and nation-building. Drawing on a sociological understanding of the modern nation-state, it contends that it is impossible to conceive of statebuilding as a process separate from nation-building. This essay identifies two different schools of thought in the discussion concerning the statebuilding process, each of which reflects different sociological understandings of the state. The first one, an ‘institutional approach’ closely related to the Weberian conception of the state, focuses on the importance of institutional reconstruction and postulates that statebuilding activities do not necessarily require a concomitant nation-building effort. The second, a ‘legitimacy approach’ influenced by Durkheimian sociology, recognizes the need to consolidate central state institutions, but puts more emphasis on the importance of socio-political cohesion in the process. Building on this second approach and demonstrating its relevance in contemporary statebuilding, this article concludes with a discussion of recent statebuilding attempts and the ways external actors can effectively contribute to statebuilding processes.     

The problem of Irish Unionism

The paper is a critique of a recent article by Luke Martell which attempted to set out a new, non-statist and non-coercive socialist agenda. The critique suggests that coercion and repression are probably inherent to the socialist project and that Martell's proposals fail to address this. It also takes issue with Martell's proposals for limiting the role of markets and for developing local forms of corporatist agencies. The assumption that market capitalism is in some way antithetical to communal morality is also challenged on the grounds that genuine communalism is likely to arise out of voluntary co-operation rather than state-sponsored initiatives and programmes.     

Thai social movements and the anti-ADB campaign

This article examines the desacralisation of royal charisma in contemporary Thailand. Over the past few years an underground discourse has emerged among critics of royal ideology and supporters of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra that directly confronts the power of the monarchy. The images, metaphors and linguistic devices used in the process are difficult to study because they rarely appear in public. This article focuses on an unprecedented demonstration of rage against the monarchy on September 19, 2010, when red-shirted demonstrators painted anti-royal graffiti on a construction hoarding at Ratchaprasong intersection in downtown Bangkok. In analysing the Thai political crisis as a battle of different charismatic groups, the article will present the September 19 event as the first open strike against the sacred charisma of the Thai monarchy. This charisma has hitherto been protected by royalists from all walks of life who were “working towards the monarchy.” With their attacks on the monarchy the red-shirts were challenging a legitimacy-conferring system which had benefited wide sections of the Bangkok populace in the past. At the same time, a competing charismatic movement has emerged around Thaksin, who himself has to take into account the charisma he conferred upon his followers.