论BOT特许协议在我国西部的适用

根据当今中国适用BOT特许协议的立法现状,结合我国西部的发展前景,应加快对相关法律的研究、完善步伐,以推动BOT特许协议在西部开发中的适用。     

西部发展中城市治安形势与治安工作探析

城市社会治安随着中国加入WTO和西部大开发的实施,出现了新情况、新问题。公安机关必须更新治安管理理念,调整治安管理模式。强化流动人口对城市的归属感;树立服务为先的治安管理新理念;建立城市社会治安联动机制;提高社会自我防范能力。     

加快推进贵州民族文化建设的几点思考

在实施西部大开发,全面建设小康社会的伟大历史进程中,贵州民族地区如何抢抓机遇,加快推进民族文化建设,实现精神文明和物质文明协调发展,是一个值得深入思考的现实课题.文章就当前加快推进贵州民族文化建设亟待处理好的几个关系问题,阐述了作者的看法.     

当代西方青年道德教育管窥

当今世界正处在一场深刻的政治、经济、文化、科技、教育等全方位的社会变迁之中,受此影响,各国青年在道德价值观上也产生了一些新的特征和问题。这些都对当前各国青年德育提出了新的挑战。针对此西方发达国家进行了有益的探索并取得了一些积极成果。通过研究和借鉴西方国家青年德育的有益经验,结合我国国情创新青年德育的内容、方式、方法,对于我们有效开展我国青年思想教育工作具有非常重要的现实意义。     

明清之际:思想的冲突、批判与创新

明清之际,中国处在由传统社会向近代社会过渡的关键时期,无论是在政治、经济领域还是在思想、文化领域,旧的传统的思想观念与新的先进的价值理念在这一时期发生了激烈的碰撞,社会面临着一系列令人瞩目的价值冲突.明清之际最显著的社会特征之一就是经世实学思潮的出现.一大批提倡经世致用的思想家,在抨击理学空疏之弊的同时,竭力提倡经世致用、实学实用,从学风、学术上呈现出一股崇实黜虚、舍虚务实的新风尚,从而形成了一个代表社会进步方向、符合时代进步要求的学派--经世实学派.人文启蒙思潮是与经世实学思潮同时兴起的.怀疑、揭露、批判封建专制君主和封建专制制度,成为明清之际人文启蒙思潮的一个重要内容.明清之际,中国文化重道德伦理、重修身养性、轻自然科学的发展理路和格局随着西方科学知识的传入被打开了缺口,它使中国知识界在沉浸于儒家经典的同时,开始接触和吸纳西方的一些新知识、新思想,扩大和丰富了中国文化的内涵.     

Trends in the proportion of married women of reproductive age in Spain, 1887–1991

Using the Princeton nuptiality index I_m, we analyzed historical developments in the proportion of married women of reproductive age in Spain. We show the internal diversity in nuptiality patterns and offer an explanatory statistical model based on panel data analysis to identify the main variables influencing these changes over more than a century (1887–1991). We found that Spain has been the developed country with the greatest contrasts in its provincial nuptiality patterns (measured by I_m), although this diversity has lessened over the course of time. We also found that some socioeconomic variables (the gross domestic product per capita and the percentage of population living in cities) do not have a linear relationship with female nuptiality but rather have a U shape or an inverted U shape. This may partly account for some of the controversy that has raged on this topic over the past few decades on an international level.     

毛泽东的中西文化比较观

本文对毛泽东的中西文化比较观的探讨,从三个层面展开.首先阐述毛泽东的中西文化比较研究重在揭示古今之异,亦即把握封建文化与资本主义文化的对立;其次通过对毛泽东早年有关论述的具体分析,以说明毛泽东的中西文化的比较研究尤其关注中西文化在道德方面的差异,借以强调中国文化为伦理形态的文化,不重视知识论意义上的文化,只重视道德文化;再次阐述毛泽东的中西文化比较研究不是一种纯理论的探索,而是为了提倡向西方学习.     

The European lavender vote: Sexuality,ideology and vote choice in Western Europe

In many European democracies, political punditry has highlighted the attempts of political parties on the left to court the ‘lavender vote’ of lesbian, gay and bisexual individuals. This article examines the presence of a gay vote in Western Europe with a focus on assessing the role of sexuality in shaping individuals’ political preferences and voting behaviour. Empirically, the effect of sexuality on both ideological identification as well as party vote choice is analysed. Using a cumulative dataset of eight rounds of the European Social Survey between 2002 and 2017, this article demonstrates that partnered lesbians and gay men are more likely than comparable heterosexuals to identify with the left, support leftist policy objectives and vote for left-of-centre political parties. The analysis represents the first empirical cross-national European study of the voting behaviour of homosexual individuals and sheds new light on the importance of sexuality as a predictor of political ideology and voting behaviour within the Western European context.     

Cross-pressures and the European lavender vote: Testing the conditionality of the sexuality gap

Emerging evidence points towards the existence of a “sexuality gap” in the political preferences and behaviour of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) voters and that of heterosexuals in Western Europe. Very little is known, however, about how this gap is moderated by socio-economic status. This paper tests the conditionality of the sexuality gap by analysing how the effect of LGB status is conditioned by income and education. Empirically, we rely on data from the European Social Survey (2002–2017) to analyse the marginal effect of sexuality in determining ideological placement, vote choice and support for economic redistribution across different income and education levels. The results demonstrate that the divergence between LGBs' and heterosexuals’ preferences only emerges amongst those with higher income and education. The findings also suggest that the sexuality gap may be the result of the asymmetric effect of these socio-economic variables for LGBs and heterosexuals.     

Partisan effects in morality policy making

Current comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, same‐sex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a ‘hard’ test case for the ‘parties do matter’ argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left‐right and secular‐religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green‐alternative‐libertarian and traditional‐authoritarian‐nationalist (GAL‐TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country‐years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive.