首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   163篇
  免费   16篇
各国政治   8篇
工人农民   6篇
世界政治   4篇
外交国际关系   6篇
法律   73篇
中国共产党   4篇
中国政治   16篇
政治理论   30篇
综合类   32篇
  2024年   2篇
  2023年   1篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   6篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   5篇
  2018年   4篇
  2017年   9篇
  2016年   9篇
  2015年   9篇
  2014年   8篇
  2013年   21篇
  2012年   11篇
  2011年   10篇
  2010年   6篇
  2009年   11篇
  2008年   11篇
  2007年   19篇
  2006年   7篇
  2005年   9篇
  2004年   6篇
  2003年   2篇
  2002年   3篇
  2001年   1篇
  2000年   1篇
  1999年   1篇
  1995年   1篇
  1987年   1篇
排序方式: 共有179条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
对MDMA死后再分布及其发生机制进行的动物实验和案例研究的文献,阐述MDMA死后心血浓度升高、死后通过胃肠道和气管内MDMA的再分布、MDMA在死后代谢再分布中的作用,以及死后再分布的发生机制与死后血液流动、顺浓度梯度扩散、毒物的代谢等有关的问题。  相似文献   
2.
论隐私权的边界--以公共信息为标准   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
隐私权是一种重要的具体人格权,体现了社会对人在作为独立个体角色时的尊重。但是人不可能总游离于社会角色以外,自然人的隐私和隐私权也有边界。隐私的边界不是自然人的公众人物的社会角色,而是信息的公共性或公益性。以公共利益等原则确定的公共信息来划定隐私权的边界,才能实现独立个体与群体社会的和谐统一。  相似文献   
3.
关于计划经济体制下国有企业性质的研究有:科尔奈的短缺理论,小宫隆太郎的“中国没有企业”论,刘世锦的“社区单位”论,林毅夫的“重工业优先发展”,何帆的“边界刚性”学说。企业的本质是追求利润最大化,从结构上来看是企业边界和内部激励机制的有机统一。国有企业的性质也是如此,只是表现形式不一样。  相似文献   
4.
德国行政诉讼中法院的受案范围几乎不受限制。行政法院对行政案件有完全的管辖权,可以主动、全面、深入地审查事实问题与法律问题,一般无须尊重行政机关在事实判断方面的专业知识与经验。不过,自上个世纪70年代以来,由于行政判断余地等理论的发展,行政法院对行政主体进行强势监督与制约的格局有所松动。另外,行政法院在判决与执行中恪守权力分立原则。德国行政诉讼中这一权力边界格局的形成,是与其宪政体制、法院分工、法定法官原则、二战后对公民权利的重视以及发达的公法理论等紧密相关的。  相似文献   
5.
目的研究甲氨基阿维菌素苯甲酸盐(简称甲维盐)中毒死亡小鼠的致死血浓度、靶器官组织、毒物蓄积库和死后毒物再分布的特征。方法采用灌胃法建立中毒小鼠模型,动态观察急性中毒组、亚急性中毒组小鼠的主要中毒症状和临床死亡时间。观察中毒死后小鼠各器官组织病理形态学改变,应用酶联免疫吸附试验测定死后0、24、48、72h甲维盐体内分布及死后再分布,采用高效液相色谱法测定中毒小鼠的致死血浓度和死后各时间点的血中甲维盐浓度。结果中毒小鼠均在灌胃后15~30 min内依次出现神经、呼吸系统症状。急性中毒组小鼠的临床死亡时间为(45.8±7.9)min,亚急性中毒组为(8.0±1.4)d。甲维盐的急性致死血浓度范围为447.164 0~524.463 5 mg/L。光镜及荧光显微镜下各器官组织均见明显的病理改变;小鼠中毒死后72 h内,血、心、肝、脾、肺、肾及脑甲维盐浓度变化具有规律性(P0.05)。结论甲维盐中毒作用的主要靶器官为心、肝、肾、肺、脑和接触部位(胃),其主要蓄积库为肾、肝,甲维盐在小鼠体内存在死后再分布现象。  相似文献   
6.
7.
当前警察执法活动中存在着侵犯公民私权的现象,其中一个重要原因是执法者不能准确区分执法权的边界,造成越界执法,导致侵权。建设和谐社会与法制国家必须进一步规范和限制执法权力的运用,实现公权和私权的平衡与协调,在执法中树立以权利为本位的执法理念,明确公权与私权的边界,规范公权力行使,保障私人权益。  相似文献   
8.
This article investigates the dynamics of support for income redistribution in Europe. With European Social Survey data spanning 2006 to 2012, it assesses whether the Great Recession resulted in substantial parallelism or increasing polarisation in preference change across various sub‐publics. After introducing hypotheses based on claims that social groups are affected differently by economic insecurity, the article proceeds in two empirical sections. First, whereas prior research suggests that hard times fuel diverging attitudinal patterns, it is found that income groups, ideological groups and educational groups did not shift differently over time during the first years of the crisis, thus providing strong evidence for the ‘parallel publics’ hypothesis in the European context and in times of economic turmoil. Next, the article addresses the extent to which change in aggregate support for redistribution came from changes in small minorities of the population, supposed to be more responsive to their economic environment. Using multilevel analysis, it is shown that the most educated significantly contributed to the overall change more than the others. As a result, they may have been partly driving the economic mood during the first years of the Great Recession.  相似文献   
9.
In 2005 the initiative to create a High Level Commission on the Legal Empowerment of the Poor, to be co-chaired by Peruvian economist Hernando de Soto and former US Foreign Affairs Secretary Madeleine Albright, was launched with strong support from the Norwegian government. This article first reviews some of the debate surrounding the initiative, giving special attention to the role of Norwegian civil society organisations that questioned central assumptions of the Commission as well as its composition and working procedures. Next, the article looks at the propositions made by the Commission on the Legal Empowerment of the Poor and argues that it was very much a top-down affair that called on those in power to behave in favour of the poor and relegated organisations of the poor and civil society to a supportive role. Issues of political power thus were downplayed. This also is reflected in the fact that the question of (re)distribution of assets is hardly addressed by the Commission. Questions of power or the distribution of assets were sidestepped by focusing primarily on the legal dimension and formalisation. And, although the Commission mentions macro-economic conditions it fails to critically analyse the conditions that account for poverty and informality, which basically are attributed to legal arrangements. Such an analysis would require a (critical) political economy perspective.  相似文献   
10.
This article reviews some of the salient aspects of the controversy over capitalism and the fate of Russian peasantry, among the Russian Marxists and the narodniks immediately prior to and after the Bolshevik revolution. At issue was the characterization of peasant economies. The narodniks believed that neither marginalism nor Marxism fully captured the nuances of peasant agriculture and the economic system/systems that evolved out of it; neither the market model nor class analysis adequately described the allocative and distributive processes in such economies. While nineteenth-century narodniks stressed the role of institutions based in the village community, Chayanov's twentieth-century populism stressed the organizational dynamic of peasant households within an institutional framework. Accordingly, the economics of the Chayanovian interpretation are examined from an institutional and organizational perspective. Such an exercise, it is argued, lends more credibility not only to the narodnik agenda, but also to the peasantist model of development.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号